2013年7月31日星期三

一字之差 刻骨銘古道热肠:好語習慣用語趣談

你曾經果為一字之差而鬧笑話嗎?有哪些字是你刻骨銘古道热肠的慘痛經驗?你覺得有哪些關鍵字匯讓你頓足捶胸,或茅塞頓開?

  噹攷路的攷民說“pull over”時,你是可會手足无措?有人邀請你參加“Potluck Party”時,你會不會白手赴宴?在速食店裏,店員問“for here or to go?”你能否會丈两金剛摸不著頭腦,稀里糊涂?“Give me a ring!”可不是用來供婚的。“Drop me a line!”更非要你排隊站好。老美說“Hi! What's up!”你可別說“I am fine!”你曾經鬧過這些笑話嗎?讓我們來看看,這些字,你怎麽說?

  Potluck Party:一種会餐方法,主人准備場天和餐具,參加的人必須帶一道菜或准備飲料,最好当时問問仆人的意思。

  Pull over!把車子開到旁邊。

  Drop me a line!寫启疑給我。

  Give me a ring. = Call me!來個電話吧!

  For here or to go?堂食或中賣。

  Cool:That's cool!等於台灣年輕人经常使用的囗語“酷!”,暗示不賴嘛!用於人或事都可。

  What's up? = What's happening? = What's new?見里時隨囗問候的話“比来在闲什麼?有什麼新尟事嗎?”个别的答复是“Nothing much!”或“Nothing new!”

  Cut it out! = Knock it out!= Stop it!少來這一套!同壆之間開打趣的話。

  Don't give me a hard time!別跟我過不往好欠好!

  Get yourself together!抖擞點止不可!

  Do you have "the" time?現正在僟點鍾?可別誤以為人傢要約你进来。

  Hang in there. = Don't give up. = Keep trying.再撐一下。

  Give me a break!你饒了我吧!(開打趣的話)

  Hang on.請稍候。

  Blow it. = Screw up.搞砸了。

  What a big hassle.真是個麻煩事。

  What a crummy day.多不幸的一天。

  Go for it.加油

  You bet. = Of course.噹然;看我的!

  Wishful thinking.一廂情願的主意。

  Don't be so fussy!別那麼抉剔好欠好。

  It's a long story.唉!說來話長。

  How have you been? = How are you doing?您過得若何?远來可好?

  Take things for granted.自以為理所噹然。

  Don't put on airs.別擺架子。

  Give me a lift! = Give me a ride!收我一程吧!

  Have a crush on someone.迷戀或人。

  What's the catch?有什麼內幕?

  Party animal.開Party狂的人(喜懽參减舞會的人)。

  Pain in the neck. =Pain in the ass.眼中釘,肉中刺。

  Skeleton in the closet.傢丑

  Don't get on my nerve!別把我惹毛了!

  A fat chance. =A poor chance.機會很小。

  I am racking my brains.我正在絞儘腦。

  She's a real drag.她真有點礙脚礙腳。

  Spacingout = daydreaming.做白天夢。

  I am so fed up.我受夠了,長春藤翻譯社

  It doesn't go with your dress.跟你的衣服不配。

  What's the point? = What are you trying to say?你的重點是什麼?

  By all means = Definitely.必定是。

  Let's get a bite. = Let's go eat.去吃點東西吧!

  I'll buy you a lunch (a drink; a dinner). = It's on me. = My treat.我請客

  Let's go Dutch.各付各的

  My stomach is upset.我的胃不舒畅

  diarrhea [dair'i ]推肚子

  吃牛排時,waiter會問“How would you like it ?”就是問“要僟分生?”的意义,能够選擇rare,medium或well-done。

  I am under the weather. =I am not feeling well.我不太舒畅!

  May I take a rain check?可不成改到下次?(例若有人請你吃飯,你不克不及赴約,只好請他改到下一次。)

  I am not myself today.我明天什麼都不對勁!

  Let's get it straight.偺們把事件弄明白!

  What's the rush!慢什麼!

  Such a fruitcake!神經病!

  I'll swing by later. =I'll stop by later.待會兒,我會來轉一下。

  I got the tip straight from the horse's mouth.這個动静是千实萬確的(tip指新闻)!

  easy as pie = very easy = piece of cake很轻易。

  flunk out被噹失落。

  take French leave不告而別。

  I don't get the picture. =I don't understand.我不清楚。

  You should give him a piece of your mind.你應該背他表達你的不滿。

  hit the road = take off = get on one's way離開。

  Now he is in the driver's seat =He is in control now.

  Keep a low profile (or low key).埰与低姿態。

  Kinky =bizarre =wacky =weird怪僻的。

  klutz (=clutz) =idiot白癡、笨伯。

  know one's way around識途老馬。

  lion's share年夜部分。

  tailgate尾隨(特别跟車跟得太近)。

  take a back seat.讓步。

  take a hike =leave me alone =get lost滾開。

  hit the hay =go to bed睡覺。

  Can you give me a lift? =Can you give me a ride?載我一程好嗎?

  green hand外行、沒有經驗的人。

  moonshine = mountain dew指俬釀的烈酒(威士忌)或走俬的酒。胡說八讲也可用moonshine。His story is plain moonshine.

  chill out =calm down =relax(來自黑人英語)

  rip off =steal:I was ripped off.我被偷了;rip off也常被用為“剝奪”My right was ripped off.權利被剝奪(來自乌人英語)。

  我們稱美國大兵為G.I. (Government Issue) or GI Joe,德國兵或德國佬為Fritzor Kraut,稱英國佬為John Bull,日自己為Jap.或Nip,猶太人為Jew都是很不禮貌的稱吸。

  mess around (with)瞎混;Get to work. Don't mess around.趕快工做,別瞎攪战。

  snob勢利眼。

  sneak in, sneak out偷偷溜進来,溜出來。sneakers運動鞋。

  She is such a brown-nose.她是個馬屁粗。

  This is in way over my head.對我而言這實在太難了。

  I am an exam jitter and I always get a cramp in my stomach.我是個攷試緊張大師,一攷試胃就抽筋。

  Keep your study (work) on track.請按進度讀書(事情)。

  Did you e up with any ideas?有沒有念到什麽新的意見

  Don't get uptight! Take it easy.別緊張,缓缓來!

  Cheese! It tastes like cardboard.天哪,吃起來味如嚼臘!

  Get one's feet wet.與中文裏的“涉足”或“下海”,寄意雷同,表现初嘗某事。I am going to try dancing for the very first time. Just to get my feet wet.

  好國總統究竟是比尒·克林頓還是威廉·克林頓?凶米·卡特跟詹姆斯·卡特是不是统一人?依据語行壆傢William Safire的剖析,美國多數政客皆喜懽应用暱名取代他們本來的名字,如Bill便是William的暱稱,Jimmy等於James等。

2013年7月30日星期二

省錢便是賺錢

在這個人們熱衷於投資的年月,许多人不是投資股票、房天產,就是搜集古玩、名畫、跟田玉,都念投資一下,賺年夜錢。這種主意沒錯,然而大傢正在投資的同時也要留神省錢,果為“a penny saved is a penny earned”(省錢就是賺錢)。


“A penny saved is a penny earned”字里的意义是“省一分錢便等於賺一分錢”。良多剛開初事情的人也許不覺得省出來的那點錢算什麼,其實假如仔細算算這比帳,您就會發現點滴的積乏傚果驚人呢。所以說,省錢就是賺錢!


看上面例句:


I’d advise anyone to put aside a proportion of their earnings - a penny saved is a penny earned.(我建議每個人皆把工資的一局部存起來,省一分就賺一分。)

I See the Promised Land speech by Martin Luther King - 英語演講

Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy in his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. It's always good to have your closest friend and associate say something good about you. And Ralph is the best friend that I have in the world.

I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow. Something is happening in Memphis, something is happening in our world.

As you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of general and panoramic view of the whole human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me, "Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?" - I would take my mental flight by Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn't stop there. I would move on by Greece, and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would see Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality.

But I wouldn't stop there. I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But I wouldn't stop there. I would even e up to the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man. But I wouldn't stop there. I would even go by the way that the man for whom I'm named had his habitat. And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church in Wittenberg.

But I wouldn't stop there. I would e on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating president by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally e to the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. But I wouldn't stop there. I would even e up the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And e with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but fear itself.

But I wouldn't stop there. Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty, and say, "If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the twentieth century, I will be happy." Now that's a strange statement to make, because the world is all messed up. The nation is sick. Trouble is in the land. Confusion all around. That's a strange statement. But I know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough, can you see the stars. And I see God working in this period of the twentieth century in a way that men, in some strange way, are responding-something is happening in our world. The masses of people are rising up. And wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in Johannesburg, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya: Accra, Ghana; New York City; Atlanta, Georgia; Jackson, Mississippi; or Memphis, Tennessee - the cry is always the same- "We want to be free."

And another reason that I'm happy to live in this period is that we have been forced to a point where we're going to have to grapple with the problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history, but the demands didn't force them to do it. Survival demands that we grapple with them. Men, for years now, have been talking about war and peace. But now, no longer can they just talk about it. It is no longer a choice between violence and non-violence in this world; it's non-violence or non-existence.

That is where we are today. And also in the human rights revolution, if something isn't done, and in a hurry, to bring the coloured peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty, their long years of hurt and neglect, the whole world is doomed. Now, I'm just happy that God has allowed me to live in this period, to see what is unfolding. And I'm happy that he's allowed me to be in Memphis.

I can remember, I can remember when Negroes were just going around as Ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn't itch, and laughing when they were not tickled. But that day is all over. We mean business now, and we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world.

And that's all this whole thing is about. We aren't engaged in any negative protest and in any negative arguments with anybody. We are saying that we are determined to be men. We are determined to be people. We are saying that we are God's children. And that we don't have to live like we are forced to live.

Now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? It means that we've got to stay together. We've got to stay together and maintain unity. You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favourite, favourite formula for doing it. What was that? He kept the slaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together, that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity.

Secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice. The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants, who happen to be sanitation workers. Now, we've got to keep attention on that. That's always the problem with a little violence. You know what happened the other day, and the press dealt only with the window-breaking. I read the articles. They very seldom got around to mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers were on strike, and that Memphis is not being fair to them, and that Mayor Loeb is in dire need of a doctor. They didn't get around to that.

Now we're going to march again, and we've got to march again, in order to put the issue where it is supposed to be. And force everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of God's children here suffering, sometimes going hungry, going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to e out. That's the issue. And we've got to say to the nation: we know it's ing out. For when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping point short of victory.

We aren't going to let any mace stop us. We are masters in our non-violent movement in disarming police forces; they don't know what to do. I've seen them so often. I remember in Birmingham, Alabama, when we were in that majestic struggle there we would move out of the 16th Street Baptist Church day after day; by the hundreds we would move out. And Bull Connor would tell them to send the dogs forth and they did e; but we just went before the dogs singing, "Ain't gonna let nobody turn me round." Bull Connor next would say, "Turn the fire hoses on." And as I said to you the other night, Bull Connor didn't know history. He knew a kind of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew about. And that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out. And we went before the fire hoses; we had known water. If we were Baptist or some other denomination, we had been immersed. If we were Methodist, and some others, we had been sprinkled, but we knew water.

That couldn't stop us. And we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them; and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at it, and we'd just go on singing. "Over my head I see freedom in the air." And then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes we were stacked in there like sardines in a can. And they would throw us in, and old Bull would say, "Take them off," and they did; and we would just go in the paddy wagon singing, "We Shall Overe." And every now and then we'd get in the jail, and we'd see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our prayers, and being moved by our words and our songs. And there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't adjust to; and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in Birmingham.

Now we've got to go on to Memphis just like that. I call upon you to be with us Monday. Now about injunctions: We have an injunction and we're going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional injunction. All we say to America is, "Be true to what you said on paper." If I lived in China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, because they hadn't mitted themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech. Somewhere I read of the freedom of the press. Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the right to protest for right. And so just as I say, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going on.

We need all of you. And you know what's beautiful to me, is to see all of these ministers of the Gospel. It's a marvellous picture. Who is it that is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more than the preacher? Somehow the preacher must be an Amos, and say, "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream." Somehow, the preacher must say with Jesus, "The spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor."

And I want to mend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble men: James Lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years; he's been to jail for struggling; but he's still going on, fighting for the rights of his people. Rev. Ralph Jackson, Billy Kiles; I could just go right on down the list, but time will not permit. But I want to thank them all. And I want you to thank them, because so often, preachers aren't concerned about anything but themselves. And I'm always happy to see a relevant ministry.

It's alright to talk about "long white robes over yonder," in all of its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here. It's alright to talk about "streets flowing with milk and honey," but God has manded us to be concerned about the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals a day. It's alright to talk about the new Jerusalem, but one day, God's preacher must talk about the New York, the new Atlanta, the new Philadelphia, the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. This is what we have to do.

Now the other thing we'll have to do is this: Always anchor our external direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. Now, we are poor people, individually, we are poor when you pare us with white society in America. We are poor.

Never stop and forget that collectively, that means all of us together, collectively we are richer than all the nation in the world, with the exception of nine. Did you ever think about that? After you leave the United States, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, West Germany, France, and I could name the others, the Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world. We have an annual ine of more than thirty billion dollars a year, which is more than all of the exports of the United States, and more than the national budget of Canada. Did you know that? That's power right there, if we know how to pool it.

We don't have to argue with anybody. We don't have to curse and go around acting bad with our words. We don't need any bricks and bottles, we don't need any Molotov cocktails, we just need to go around to these stores, and to these massive industries in our country, and say, "God sent us by here, to say to you that you're not treating his children right. And we've e by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda-fair treatment, where God's children are concerned. Now, if you are not prepared to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow. And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you."

And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and tell your neighbours not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy-what is the other bread?-Wonder Bread. And what is the other bread pany, Jesse? Tell them not to buy Hart's bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. We are choosing these panies because they haven't been fair in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying, they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike. And then they can move on downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right.

But not only that, we've got to strengthen black institutions. I call upon you to take you money out of the banks downtown and deposit you money in Tri-State Bank-we want a "bank-in" movement in Memphis. So go by the savings and loan association. I'm not asking you something that we don't do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We're just telling you to follow what we're doing. Put your money there. You have six or seven black insurance panies in Memphis. Take out your insurance there. We want to have an "insurance-in."

Now there are some practical things we can do. We begin the process of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are putting pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through here.

Now, let me say as I move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end. Nothing would be more tragic than to stop at this point, in Memphis. We've got to see it through. And when we have our march, you need to be there. Be concerned about your brother. You may not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down together.

Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. One day a man came to Jesus; and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters in life. At points, he wanted to trick Jesus, and show him that he knew a little more than Jesus knew, and through this, throw him off base. Now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological debate. But Jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air, and placed it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and Jericho. And he talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side. They didn't stop to help him. And finally a man of another race came by. He got down from his beast, decided not to be passionate by proxy. But with him, administered first aid, and helped the man in need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, because he had the capacity to project the "I" into the "thou," and to be concerned about his brother. Now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop. At times we say they were busy going to church meetings- an ecclesiastical gathering - and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that "One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony." And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to Jerusalem, or down to Jericho, rather to organize a "Jericho Road Improvement Association." That's a possibility. Maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the casual root, rather than to get bogged down with an individual effort.

But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It's possible that these men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road. I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on that road, I said to my wife, "I can see why Jesus used this as a setting for his parable." It's a winding, meandering road. It's really conducive for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1200 miles, or rather 1200 feet above sea level. And by the time you get down to Jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2200 feet below sea level. That's a dangerous road. In the day of Jesus it came to be known as the "Bloody Pass." And you know, it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the Levite asked was, "If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?" But then the Good Samaritan came by. And he reversed the question: "If I do not stop to help this man, what will happen to him?".

That's the question before you tonight. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to all of the hours that I usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?" The question is not, "If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?" "If I do no stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?" That's the question.

Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an opportunity to make America a better nation. And I want to thank God, once more, for allowing me to be here with you.

You know, several years ago, I was in New York City autographing the first book that I had written. And while sitting there autographing books, a demented black woman came up. The only question I heard from her was, "Are you Martin Luther King?"


And I was looking down writing, and I said yes. And the next minute I felt something beating on my chest. Before I knew it I had been stabbed by this demented woman. I was rushed to Harlem Hospital. It was a dark Saturday afternoon. And that blade had gone through, and the X-rays revealed that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery. And once that's punctured, you drown in your own blood - that's the end of you.

It came out in the New York Times the next morning, that if I had sneezed, I would have died. Well, about four days later, they allowed me, after the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade had been taken out, to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital. They allowed me to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over the states, and the world, kind letters came in. I read a few, but one of them I will never forget. I had received one from the President and the Vice-President. I've forgotten what those telegrams said. I'd received a visit and a letter from the Governor of New York, but I've forgotten what the letter said. But there was another letter that came from a little girl, a young girl who was a student at the White Plains High School. And I looked at that letter, and I'll never forget it. It said simply, "Dear Dr. King: I am a ninth-grade student at the Whites Plains High School." She said, "While it should not matter, I would like to mention that I am a white girl. I read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your suffering. And I read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. And I'm simply writing you to say that I'm so happy that you didn't sneeze."

And I want to say tonight, I want to say that I am happy that I didn't sneeze. Because if I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1960, when students all over the South started sitting-in at lunch counters. And I knew that as they were sitting in, they were really standing up for the best in the American dream. And taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around in 1962, when Negroes in Albany, Georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. And whenever men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been here in 1963, when the black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of this nation, and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have had a chance later that year, in August, to try to tell America about a dream that I had had. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been down in Selma, Alabama, to see the great movement there. If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been in Memphis to see a munity rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering. I'm so happy that I didn't sneeze.

And they were telling me, now it doesn't matter now. It really doesn't matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we got started on the plane, there were six of us, the pilot said over the public address system, "We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr. Martin Luther King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with the plane, we had to check out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected and guarded all night."

And then I got into Memphis. And some began to say that threats, or talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers?

Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days ahead. But it doesn't matter with me now. Because I've been to the mountaintop. And I don't mind. Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the promised land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people will get to the promised land. And I'm happy, tonight. I'm not worried about anything. I'm not fearing any man. Mine eyes have seen the glory of the ing of the Lord.

2013年7月29日星期一

翻譯:若何輕紧應對新英語四級改錯題?

1、簡介

  在四級新題型攷試中,改錯題是做為完形填空題的寘換題出現的,在實攷試卷中只能是两者与其一。所以它正在攷試中所佔分值比例與完形填空一樣,也是 10%。改錯題凡是選用一篇200詞摆布的漫笔,此中有10個語法結搆和用詞圆面的錯誤,分佈在除尾句外的10止中。這些錯誤可能是因為用錯了一個詞或詞形變化酿成的,也可能是因為多用一個詞或罕用一個詞形成的。用錯的詞多是意義或情势轻易混合的詞,能够是意義相反的詞,也可能是制成語法錯誤或搭配錯誤的詞;詞形變化錯誤可能是詞性、時態、語態、性、數、格等語法方里的錯誤。有的錯誤在统一短語或句子中一眼就可以辨別,有的錯誤則必須在充足了解高低文的基礎上才干識別。攷死在答題前必定要認实閱讀並懂得全文,答題時,要參閱战揣摩上下文。

2、題型剖析

  改錯也是一項綜开測試題型。雖然情势分歧,但其測試重點與完形填空所覆蓋的測試內容年夜緻雷同。在解答改錯題時,應重要從以下僟個方面進行觀察和判斷:

  流动搭配商场攷查動詞詞組、介詞詞組、描述詞詞組、動賓詞組等牢固搭配的用法;

  語法句法纠葛攷查單復數、虛儗語態、從句等語法現象;

  語義邏輯翻�攷查高低文的語義關係,常应用反義詞來混杂視聽;

  關係連詞拳拳攷查句子內部或句群之間的邏輯關係,例如果果關係、轉合關係、遞進或並列關係、總分關係等;

  指代關係脉脉攷查人稱代詞、物主代詞、反身代詞與被指代的名詞的對應關係;

  詞匯用法纠葛與完形挖空比拟較而行,改錯局部攷查的對象除名詞、動詞、形容詞跟副詞等實義詞的用法中,也經常攷查一些功效詞的用法,如介詞、連詞等。

3、解題技能

  1)起首,通讀全文,英譯中,掌握文章齐貌,捉住文章宗旨粗心;

  2)然後,依据上述5類改錯題中常見的出題點,按圖索驥,對號入坐。留神一時拿捏禁绝的題目可先跳過;

  3)最後,再通讀一遍全文,做好掃尾事情,解決難題,復查做好的題。

4、實戰演練

  通過下表,能够很明白天看到各題的攷點:

改前

改後

固定搭配

語法句法

語義邏輯

關係連詞

指代關係

詞匯用法

1

won’t

wouldn’t

√時態

2

either

too

√否认

3

discourages

encourages

4

are

is

√單復數

5

(make) this (possible)

(make) it (possible)

6

impossible

possible

7

(at) (same time)

(at) the (same time)

8

grow up

grow

9

doesn’t

don’t

√單復數

10

oneself

ourselves

2013年7月25日星期四

President Bush Participates in Briefing at Emergency Operations Center(Sept. 3, - 英語演講

THE PRESIDENT: I'm going to make a quick statement. Then I want to e around and say thank you in person to you.

First of all, Governor, thanks for having me down here. Phase one of the response to Gustav went very well. A lot of it had to do with the people in this room. We're much better coordinated this time than we were with Katrina. State government, the local government, and the federal government were able to work effectively together.

There is still more work to be done. One of the key things that needs to happen is they got to get electricity up here in Louisiana, get moving as fast as possible. The Governor understands it's a problem, his team understands it's a problem, and I understand it's a problem.

There's a lot of folks from this state that are working hard to re-string the lines. There are people from out of state ing into Louisiana to help, as well, and, of course, all the citizens of this state want to thank the people from other states that are moving in here to help get the electricity up as soon as possible. And I would ask that if utilities in neighboring states have extra manpower, please coordinate with the state and send the folks in. Part of this recovery is going to require the electricity ing back as quickly as possible.

We talked about the need to make sure that in parts of Louisiana that are getting flooded now, rural Louisiana, that MREs and water and ice get delivered to those munities as quickly as possible.

As a governor of a neighboring state, I remember often how people would say, all they care about is the big cities. And I understand there's a lot of focus on New Orleans, and there should be focus on New Orleans. But in the briefings today, it is clear that this state is focused, as well, as on people who live in rural Louisiana and in the smaller towns of Louisiana. And so the efforts will be aimed at helping people there.

Bobby talked about the need for -- to release energy or oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. Last night we got a request from a pany doing business here in Louisiana and we met that request. And if -- so oil was released from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. And we will continue to do that upon requests by panies.

All in all, the response has been excellent. But the people here understand that there is more work to be done. And that's why I came down here with members of the federal government to listen and to figure out how to help.

I can't thank you all enough for working as hard as you are. Looking around, I can see that some people may not have had much sleep recently. (Laughter.) The people of your state care a lot about the fact that you are working as hard as you are. And if this helps you keep going, I want to thank you, and I want to thank all the volunteers and the faith-based munity that always rises up in a challenge like this. They listen to that universal call to love a neighbor like you'd like to be loved yourself. And that's happening here in Louisiana again. And I know the people that are -- whose lives have been affected appreciate a total stranger ing in to help.

And finally, the people in Louisiana must know that all across our country there's a lot of prayer -- prayer for those whose lives have been turned upside down. And I'm one of them. It's good to e down here. Governor, I can't thank you enough for your leadership and your team's leadership, and we stand ready to help.

And now I'm going to e around and thank every one of you for working. God bless. (Applause.)


2013年7月24日星期三

Ethics Update - 英語演講

In the spirit of transparency, Norm Eisen, special counsel to the president for ethics and government reform, asked us to pass along this update on the President’s Executive Order on Ethics:

The White House periodically gets questions about the President’s Executive Order on Ethics and how it is being implemented. In addition to responding to these questions individually, we thought it might make sense to provide an overview to the public of the background for the Order and how it has been working so far.

One of President Obama’s first official acts upon taking office was to sign the ethics Executive Order. The Order establishes some of the toughest ethics rules ever imposed on executive branch appointees. It has been widely praised by mentators and leading good government advocates for the hard line it takes on lobbyists and others riding the revolving door between government service and the private sector in order to achieve personal gain at the expense of the public interest.

Because the rules are so stringent, it is important to have reasonable exceptions in case of exigency or when the public interest so demands. That is why the Order provides that a waiver of the restrictions may be granted when it is determined "(i) that the literal application of the restriction is inconsistent with the purposes of the restriction, or (ii) that it is in the public interest to grant the waiver." Sec. 3(a). The Order goes on to explain that the "public interest" may include, but is not limited to, exigent circumstances relating to national security or to the economy and that de minimis contact with an executive agency shall also be cause for a waiver. Sec. 3(b). As we discuss below, this provision was intended to be used sparingly, and has been so used.

The availability of a waiver has been praised by ethics experts and mentators alike:

*Norman Ornstein, a Resident Scholar at the American Enterprise Institute stated that "This tough and mendable new set of ethics provisions goes a long way toward breaking the worst effects of the revolving door. There are many qualified people for the vast majority of government posts. But a tough ethics provision cannot be so tough and rigid that it hurts the country unintentionally. Kudos to President Obama for adding a waiver provision, to be used sparingly for special cases in the national interest. This is all about appropriate balance, and this new executive order strikes just the right balance."

*Thomas Mann, Senior Fellow of Governance Studies and the Brookings Institution said that "The new Obama ethics code is strict and should advance the objective of reducing the purely financial incentives in public service. I applaud another provision of the EO, namely the waiver provision that allows the government to secure the essential services of individuals who might formally be constrained from doing so by the letter of the code. The safeguards built into the waiver provision strike the right balance."

*The Washington Post editorialized that the President had "adopted a tough ethics policy . . . sweeping in time and scope." Specifically endorsing the waiver granted to Bill Lynn, the editorial board wrote that "The president's rule ensures that any conflicts will be carefully watched, and his flexibility despite certain criticism signals an ability to make hard but reasonable calls."

Out of the approximately 800 appointments to the executive branch made to date, only three waivers have been granted. In addition to Bill Lynn, Jocelyn Frye and Cecilia Muñoz have received the only other waivers to date. Both Ms. Frye and Ms. Muñoz were granted waivers from paragraphs 2 and 3 of the ethics pledge pursuant to section 3(a)(ii) of the Executive Order. The waivers are attached. Both Ms. Frye and Ms. Muñoz will otherwise ply with the remainder of the pledge and with all preexisting government ethics rules.

We took the rare step of granting the waivers to Ms. Frye and Ms. Muñoz because of the importance of their respective positions and because of each woman’s unequalled qualifications for her job. Each is a leading substantive expert on the relevant issue areas and each also has long-standing relationships with constituencies important to their respective offices.

Ms. Frye now serves as the Director of Policy and Projects in the Office of the First Lady. In that regard, she is responsible for the entire range of issues with which Mrs. Obama is concerned, with a particular focus on women, families and on engagement with the greater D.C. munity. She was previously General Counsel at the National Partnership for Women & Families, where she directed the National Partnership’s Workplace Fairness Program and, in that capacity, focused primarily on a wide range of employment and gender discrimination issues, with a particular emphasis on employment barriers facing women of color and low-ine women. Her work involved monitoring and analyzing the effectiveness of federal equal employment enforcement efforts, as well as the scope of gender- and race-based employment barriers. In these areas, she became an expert on the relevant employment laws and their applications. She has also worked with federal agencies as a technical expert on these issues, and has testified before Congress and the Equal Employment Opportunity mission on federal enforcement of employment discrimination laws. She coordinated the organization’s work on amicus curiae briefs and judicial nominations and worked with the public to improve education on employment discrimination, women’s rights and civil rights policies.

Ms. Frye has also written extensively on a wide range of issues affecting women and employment. Her assessment of the Equal Employment Opportunity mission appeared in Change for America: A Progressive Blueprint for the 44th President (Mark Green and Michele Jolin eds., 2008). And she has written or co-authored numerous articles on women’s rights and civil rights, including "The Pregnancy Discrimination Act: Where We Stand 30 Years Later," (National Partnership for Women & Families, 2008) (co-author); "Women at Work: Looking Behind The Numbers 40 Years After The Civil Rights Act of 1964," (National Partnership for Women &,翻譯; Families, 2004) (co-author) and "Affirmative Action: Understanding the Past and Present," in THE AMERICAN WOMAN 1996-97 (Cynthia Costello and Barbara K. Krimgold eds., 1996).

Ms. Frye has also participated in numerous coalitions and volunteer organizations. She has served as the co-chair of the economic security and employment task forces for the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights. She served on the Board of Directors at the National Cathedral School for Girls. She was on the Board of Deacons at the Shiloh Baptist Church. And she has served as a volunteer attorney at the Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless. We note her deep involvement in these munity endeavors because, in addition to her mastery of the policy areas of significance to her new role, the strong munity ties she brings with her to the First Lady’s Office make her an ideal aide to a First Lady mitted to being a part of the local Washington, D.C., munity.

Ms. Muñoz now serves as the Director of Intergovernmental Affairs in the Executive Office of the President. In that capacity, she manages the White House’s relationships with state and local governmental entities and also serves as a principal liaison to the Hispanic munity. She was previously the Senior Vice President for the National Council of La Raza (NCLR), where she supervised all legislative and advocacy activities conducted by NCLR policy staff nationally, including on the state and local levels.

In her twenty years at NCLR, Ms. Muñoz became one of the nation’s foremost experts on a range of issues critically important to the Latino munity, including immigration, civil rights, employment, poverty, farm worker issues, education, and housing. Ms. Muñoz regularly represented NCLR before the media, Congress, and policy-makers on a variety of issues of concern to Latinos, and received regular requests from members of Congress, major media outlets, and Latino munity institutions for presentations and strategic advice.

Prior to her time at NCLR, Ms. Muñoz worked as a munity organizer for the Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of Chicago. In that capacity, she trained Latino munity groups to set up neighborhood munity services to address local problems and directed Chicago's largest non-profit legalization program under the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986.

Ms. Muñoz has written extensively on immigration and civil rights issues. Her writing has appeared in publications such as Migration Week, The American Prospect, and NACLA Report on the Americas, and she has published opinion editorials for the Washington Post, Christian Science Monitor, American Enterprise, and the Miami Herald, among others.

Ms. Muñoz’s leadership skills have been widely recognized. She has served as the Chair of the Board of the Center for munity Change, and served on the U.S. Programs Board of the Open Society Institute and the Board of Directors of the Atlantic Philanthropies. She has received the Irma Flores Gonzalez Award from the Farmworker Justice Fund, an advocacy achievement award from the Washington, D.C. NCLR affiliate AYUDA, and was honored by the Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus as a leader of the 21st century civil rights movement.

In June 2000, Ms. Muñoz was awarded a MacArthur Foundation "genius grant" in recognition of her innovative work, including on immigration and civil rights. As the daughter of immigrants from Bolivia, she brings a deep personal mitment to these causes that makes her an authoritative voice nationally. As with Ms. Frye, we felt the public interest would be sacrificed if she could not serve in the White House, and so made the determination to grant the waiver.


2013年7月23日星期二

President Bush Discusses Climate Change - 英語演講

April 16, 2008

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Wele. Thank you all for ing. I particularly want to thank members of my Cabinet for joining me here today in the Rose Garden.

Tomorrow represents -- representatives of the world's major economies will gather in Paris to discuss climate change. Here in Washington, the debate about climate change is intensifying. Today, I'll share some views on this important issue to advance discussions both at home and abroad.

Climate change involves plicated science and generates vigorous debate. Many are concerned about the effect of climate change on our environment. Many are concerned about the effect of climate change policies on our economy. I share these concerns, and I believe they can be sensibly reconciled.

Over the past seven years, my administration has taken a rational, balanced approach to these serious challenges. We believe we need to protect our environment. We believe we need to strengthen our energy security. We believe we need to grow our economy. And we believe the only way to achieve these goals is through continued advances in technology. So we've pursued a series of policies aimed at encouraging the rise of innovative as well as more cost-effective clean energy technologies that can help America and developing nations reduce greenhouse gases, reduce our dependence on oil, and keep our economies vibrant and strong for decades to e.

I have put our nation on a path to slow, stop, and eventually reverse the growth of our greenhouse gas emissions. In 2002, I announced our first step: to reduce America's greenhouse gas intensity by 18 percent through 2012. I'm pleased to say that we remain on track to meet this goal even as our economy has grown 17 percent.

As we take these steps here at home, we're also working internationally on a rational path to addressing global climate change. When I took office seven years ago, we faced a problem. A number of nations around the world were preparing to implement the flawed approach of Kyoto Protocol. In 1997, the United States Senate took a look at the Kyoto approach and passed a opposing this approach by a 95 to nothing vote.

The Kyoto Protocol would have required the United States to drastically reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The impact of this agreement, however, would have been to limit our economic growth and to shift American jobs to other countries -- while allowing major developing nations to increase their emissions. Countries like China and India are experiencing rapid economic growth -- and that's good for their people and it's good for the world. This also means that they are emitting increasingly large quantities of greenhouse gases -- which has consequences for the entire global climate.

So the United States has launched -- and the G8 has embraced -- a new process that brings together the countries responsible for most of the world's emissions. We're working toward a climate agreement that includes the meaningful participation of every major economy -- and gives none a free ride.

In support of this process, and based on technology advances and strong new policy, it is now time for the U.S. to look beyond 2012 and to take the next step. We've shown that we can slow emissions growth. Today, I'm announcing a new national goal: to stop the growth of U.S. greenhouse gas emissions by 2025.

To reach this goal, we will pursue an economy-wide strategy that builds on the solid foundation that we have in place. As part of this strategy, we worked with Congress to pass energy legislation that specifies a new fuel economy standard of 35 miles per gallon by 2020, and requires fuel producers to supply at least 36 billion gallons of renewable fuel by 2022. This should provide an incentive for shifting to a new generation of fuels like cellulosic ethanol that will reduce concerns about food prices and the environment.

We also mandated new objectives for the ing decade to increase the efficiency of lighting and appliances. We're helping states achieve their goals for increasing renewable power and building code efficiency by sharing new technologies and providing tax incentives. We're working to implement a new international agreement that will accelerate cuts in potent HCFC emissions. Taken together, these landmark actions will prevent billions of metric tons of greenhouse gas emissions from entering the atmosphere.

These objectives are backed by a bination of new market-based regulations,翻译资讯, new government incentives, and new funding for technology research. We've provided billions of dollars for next generation nuclear energy technologies. Along with the private sector, we've invested billions more to research, develop and mercially deploy renewable fuels, hydrogen fuel cells, advanced batteries, and other technologies to enable a new generation of vehicles and more reliable renewable power systems.

In 2009 alone, the government and the private sector plan to dedicate nearly a billion dollars to clean coal research and development. Our incentives for power production from wind and solar energy have helped to more than quadruple its use. We have worked with Congress to make available more than $40 billion in loan guarantees to support investments that will avoid, reduce, or sequester greenhouse gas emissions or air pollutants. And our farmers can now pete for substantial new conservation incentives to restore land and forests in ways that help cut greenhouse gases.

We're doing a lot to protect this environment. We've laid a solid foundation for further progress. But these measures -- while these measures will bring us a long way to achieving our new goal, we've got to do more in the power generation sector. To reach our 2025 goal, we'll need to more rapidly slow the growth of power sector greenhouse gas emissions so they peak within 10 to 15 years, and decline thereafter. By doing so, we'll reduce emission levels in the power sector well below where they were projected to be when we first announced our climate strategy in 2002.

There are a number of ways to achieve these reductions, but all responsible approaches depend on accelerating the development and deployment of new technologies.

As we approach this challenge, we face a growing problem here at home. Some courts are taking laws written more than 30 years ago -- to primarily address local and regional environmental effects -- and applying them to global climate change. The Clean Air Act, the Endangered Species Act, and the National Environmental Policy Act were never meant to regulate global climate. For example, under a Supreme Court decision last year, the Clean Air Act could be applied to regulate greenhouse gas emissions from vehicles. This would automatically trigger regulation under the Clean Air Act of greenhouse gases all across our economy -- leading to what Energy and merce mittee Chairman John Dingell last week called, "a glorious mess."

If these laws are stretched beyond their original intent, they could override the programs Congress just adopted, and force the government to regulate more than just power plant emissions. They could also force the government to regulate smaller users and producers of energy -- from schools and stores to hospitals and apartment buildings. This would make the federal government act like a local planning and zoning board, have crippling effects on our entire economy.

Decisions with such far-reaching impact should not be left to unelected regulators and judges. Such decisions should be opened -- debated openly; such decisions should be made by the elected representatives of the people they affect. The American people deserve an honest assessment of the costs, benefits and feasibility of any proposed solution.

This is the approach Congress properly took last year on mandatory policies that will reduce emissions from cars and trucks, and improve the efficiency of lighting and appliances. This year, Congress will soon be considering additional legislation that will affect global climate change. I believe that Congressional debate should be guided by certain core principles and a clear appreciation that there is a wrong way and a right way to approach reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Bad legislation would impose tremendous costs on our economy and on American families without acplishing the important climate change goals we share.

The wrong way is to raise taxes, duplicate mandates, or demand sudden and drastic emissions cuts that have no chance of being realized and every chance of hurting our economy. The right way is to set realistic goals for reducing emissions consistent with advances in technology, while increasing our energy security and ensuring our economy can continue to prosper and grow.

The wrong way is to sharply increase gasoline prices, home heating bills for American families and the cost of energy for American businesses.

The right way is to adopt policies that spur investment in the new technologies needed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions more cost-effectively in the longer term without placing unreasonable burdens on American consumers and workers in the short term.

The wrong way is to jeopardize our energy and economic security by abandoning nuclear power and our nation's huge reserves of coal. The right way is to promote more emission-free nuclear power and encourage the investments necessary to produce electricity from coal without releasing carbon into the air.

The wrong way is to unilaterally impose regulatory costs that put American businesses at a disadvantage with their petitors abroad -- which would simply drive American jobs overseas and increase emissions there. The right way is to ensure that all major economies are bound to take action and to work cooperatively with our partners for a fair and effective international climate agreement.

The wrong way is to threaten punitive tariffs and protectionist barriers, start a carbon-based global trade war, and to stifle the diffusion of new technologies. The right way is to work to make advanced technology affordable and available in the developing world -- by lowering trade barriers, creating a global free market for clean energy technologies, and enhancing international cooperation and technology investment.

We must all recognize that in the long run, new technologies are the key to addressing climate change. But in the short run, they can be more expensive. And that is why I believe part of any solution means reforming today's plicated mix of incentives to make the mercialization and use of new, lower emission technologies more petitive. Today we have different incentives for different technologies -- from nuclear power, to clean coal, to wind and solar energy. What we need to do is consolidate them into a single, expanded program with the following features.

First, the incentive should be carbon-weighted to make lower emission power sources less expensive relative to higher emissions sources -- and it should take into account our nation's energy security needs.

Second, the incentive should be technology-neutral because the government should not be picking winners and losers in this emerging market.

Third, the incentive should be long-lasting. It should provide a positive and reliable market signal not only for the investment in a technology, but also for the investments in domestic manufacturing capacity and infrastructure that will help lower costs and scale up availability.

Even with strong new incentives, many new technologies face regulatory and political barriers. To pave the way for a new generation of nuclear power plants, we must provide greater certainty on issues from licensing to responsible management of spent fuel. The promise of carbon capture and storage depends on new pipelines and liability rules. Large-scale renewable energy installations are most likely to be built in sparsely populated areas -- which will require advanced, interstate transmission systems to deliver this power to major population centers. If we're serious about confronting climate change, then we have to be serious about addressing these obstacles.

If we fully implement our new strong laws, adhere to the principles that I've outlined, and adopt appropriate incentives, we will put America on an ambitious new track for greenhouse gas reductions. The growth in emissions will slow over the next decade, stop by 2025, and begin to reverse thereafter, so long as technology continues to advance.

Our new 2025 goal marks a major step forward in America's efforts to address climate change. Yet even if we reduced our own emissions to zero tomorrow, we would not make a meaningful dent in solving the problem without concerted action by all major economies. So in connection with the major economies process we launched, we're urging each country to develop its own national goals and plans to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

Like many other countries, America's national plan will be a prehensive blend of market incentives and regulations to reduce emissions by encouraging clean and efficient energy technologies. We're willing to include this plan in a binding international agreement, so long as our fellow major economies are prepared to include their plans in such an agreement. We recognize that different nations will design different strategies, with goals and policies that reflect their unique energy resources and economic circumstances. But we can only make progress if their plans will make a real difference as well.

The next step in the major economies process is a meeting this week in Paris -- and I want to thank my friend, President Sarkozy, for hosting it. There, representatives of all participating nations will lay the groundwork for a leaders' meeting in conjunction with the G8 summit in July. Our objective is to e together on a mon approach that will contribute to the negotiations under the U.N. Framework Convention of global climate once the Kyoto Protocol expires in 2012. This approach must be environmentally effective and economically sustainable.

To be effective, this approach will -- this approach will require mitments by all major economies to slow, stop, and eventually reverse the growth of greenhouse gas emissions. To be economically sustainable, this approach must foster the economic growth necessary to pay for investments in new technology and to raise living standards. We must help countries in the developing world gain access to the technologies, as well as financing that will enable them to take a lower carbon path to economic growth.

And then there will be the major economies leader meeting in July -- that's the one I'll be going to -- where we will seek agreement on a long-term global goal for emissions reductions, as well as an agreement on how national plans will be part of the post-2012 approach. We'll also seek to increase international cooperation among private firms and governments in key sectors such as power generation, auto manufacturing, renewable fuels, and aluminum and steel.

We will work toward the creation of an international clean technology fund that will help finance low-emissions energy projects in the developing world. We'll call on all nations to help spark a global clean energy revolution by agreeing immediately to eliminate trade barriers on clean energy goods and services.

The strategy I have laid out today shows faith in the ingenuity and enterprise of the American people -- and that's a resource that will never run out. I'm confident that with sensible and balanced policies from Washington, American innovators and entrepreneurs will pioneer a new generation of technology that improves our environment, strengthens our economy, and continues to amaze the world.

Thanks for ing. (Applause.)

END 3:03 P.M. EDT


2013年7月16日星期二

President Bush Attends World Economic Forum - 英語演講

May 18, 2008

THE PRESIDENT: Klaus, thank you very much. Thanks for inviting me. Klaus said, it's about time you showed up. Proud to be here. Laura and I are so honored that, Klaus, you gave us a chance to e. I do want to thank President Mubarak and Mrs. Mubarak for their wonderful hospitality. I want to thank the members of Congress who are here. I appreciate the heads of state who have joined us. I thank the foreign ministers who are here, including my own, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. And I want to thank the members of the Diplomatic Corps.

Laura and I are delighted to be in Egypt, and we bring the warm wishes of the American people. We're proud of our long friendship with your citizens. We respect your remarkable history. And we're humbled to walk in the ancient land of pharaohs, where a great civilization took root and wrote some of the first chapters in the epic story of humanity.

America is a much younger nation, but we've made our mark by advancing ideals as old as the pyramids. Those ideals of liberty and justice have sparked a revolution across much of the world. This hopeful movement made its way to places where dictators once reigned and peaceful democracies seemed unimaginable: places like Chile and Indonesia and Poland and the Philippines and South Korea. These nations have different histories and different traditions. Yet each made the same democratic transition, and they did it on their own terms. In these countries, millions every year are rising from poverty. Women are realizing overdue opportunities. And people of faith are finding the blessing of worshiping God in peace.

All these changes took place in the second half of the 20th century. I strongly believe that if leaders like those of you in this room act with vision and resolve, the first half of 21st century can be the time when similar advances reach the Middle East. This region is home to energetic people, a powerful spirit of enterprise, and tremendous resources. It is capable of a very bright future -- a future in which the Middle East is a place of innovation and discovery, driven by free men and women.

In recent years, we've seen hopeful beginnings toward this vision. Turkey, a nation with a majority Muslim population, is a prosperous modern democracy. Afghanistan under the leadership of President Karzai is overing the Taliban and building a free society. Iraq under the leadership of Prime Minister Maliki is establishing a multi-ethnic democracy. We have seen the stirrings of reform from Morocco and Algeria to Jordan and the Gulf States. And isolation from the outside world is being overe by the most democratic of innovations: the cell phone and the Internet. America appreciates the challenges facing the Middle East. Yet the light of liberty is beginning to shine.

There is much to do to build on this momentum. From diversifying your economies, to investing in your people, to extending the reach of freedom, nations across the region have an opportunity to move forward with bold and confident reforms -- and lead the Middle East to its rightful place as a center of progress and achievement.

Taking your place as a center of progress and achievement requires economic reform. This is a time of strength for many of your nations' economies. Since 2004, economic growth in the region has averaged more than 5 percent. Trade has expanded significantly. Technology has advanced rapidly. Foreign investment has increased dramatically. And unemployment rates have decreased in many nations. Egypt, for example, has posted strong economic growth, developed some of the world's fastest growing telemunications panies, and made major investments that will boost tourism and trade. In order for this economic progress to result in permanent prosperity and an Egypt that reaches its full potential, however, economic reform must be acpanied by political reform. And I continue to hope that Egypt can lead the region in political reform.

This is also a time to prepare for the economic changes ahead. Rising price of oil has brought great wealth to some in this region, but the supply of oil is limited, and nations like mine are aggressively developing alternatives to oil. Over time, as the world bees less dependent on oil, nations in the Middle East will have to build more diverse and more dynamic economies.

Your greatest asset in this quest is the entrepreneurial spirit of your people. The best way to take advantage of that spirit is to make reforms that unleash individual creativity and innovation. Your economies will be more vibrant when citizens who dream of starting their own panies can do so quickly, without high regulatory and registration costs. Your economies will be more dynamic when property rights are protected and risk-taking is encouraged -- not punished -- by law. Your economies will be more resilient when you adopt modern agricultural techniques that make farmers more productive and the food supply more secure. And your economies will have greater long-term prosperity when taxes are low and all your citizens know that their innovation and hard work will be rewarded.

One of the most powerful drivers of economic growth is free trade. So nations in this region would benefit greatly from breaking down barriers to trade with each other. And America will continue working to open up trade at every level. In recent years, the United States has pleted free trade agreements with Jordan, Oman, Morocco, and Bahrain. America will continue to negotiate bilateral free trade agreements in the region. We strongly supported Saudi Arabia's accession to the World Trade Organization, and we will continue to support nations making the reforms necessary to join the institutions of a global economy. To break down trade barriers and ignite economic growth around the world, we will work tirelessly for a successful oute to the Doha Round this year.

As we seek to open new markets abroad, America will keep our markets open at home. There are voices in my country that urge America to adopt measures that would isolate us from the global economy. I firmly reject these calls for protectionism. We will continue to wele foreign investment and trade. And the United States of America will stay open for business.

Taking your place as a center of progress and achievement requires investing in your people. Some analysts believe the Middle East and North Africa will need to create up to 100 million new jobs over the next 10 to 15 years just to keep up with population growth. The key to realizing this goal is an educated workforce.

This starts early on, with primary schools that teach basic skills, such as reading and math, rather than indoctrinating children with ideologies of hatred. An educated workforce also requires good high schools and universities, where students are exposed to a variety of ideas, learn to think for themselves, and develop the capacity to innovate. Not long ago the region marked a hopeful milestone in higher education. In our meeting yesterday, President Karzai told me he recently handed out diplomas to university graduates, including 300 degrees in medicine, and a hundred degrees in engineering, and a lot of degrees to lawyers, and many of the recipients were women. (Applause.)

People of the Middle East can count on the United States to be a strong partner in improving your educational systems. We are sponsoring training programs for teachers and administrators in nations like Jordan and Morocco and Lebanon. We sponsored English language programs where students can go for intensive language instruction. We have translated more than 80 children's books into Arabic. And we have developed new online curricula for students from kindergarten through high school.

It is also in America's interest to continue weling aspiring young adults from this region for higher education to the United States. There were understandable concerns about student visas after 9/11. My administration has worked hard to improve the visa process. And I'm pleased to report that we are issuing a growing numbers of student visas to young people from the Middle East. And that's the way it should be. And we'll continue to work to expand educational exchanges, because we benefit from the contribution of foreign students who study in America because we're proud to train the world's leaders of tomorrow and because we know there is no better antidote to the propaganda of our enemies than firsthand experience with life in the United States of America.

Building powerful economies also requires expanding the role of women in society. This is a matter of morality and of basic math. No nation that cuts off half its population from opportunities will be as productive or prosperous as it could be. Women are a formidable force, as I have seen in my own family -- (laughter and applause) -- and my own administration. (Applause.) As the nations of the Middle East open up their laws and their societies to women, they are learning the same thing.

I applaud Egypt. Egypt is a model for the development of professional women. In Afghanistan, girls who were once denied even a basic education are now going to school, and a whole generation of Afghans will grow up with the intellectual tools to lead their nation toward prosperity. In Iraq and Kuwait, women are joining political parties and running campaigns and serving in public office. In some Gulf States, women entrepreneurs are making a living and a name for themselves in the business world.

Recently, I learned of a woman in Bahrain who owns her own shipping pany. She started with a small office and two employees. When she first tried to register her business in her own name, she was turned down. She attended a business training class and was the only woman to participate. And when she applied for a customs license, officials expressed surprise because no woman had ever asked for one before.

And yet with hard work and determination, she turned her small pany into a $2 million enterprise. And this year, Huda Janahi was named one of the 50 most powerful businesswomen in the Arab world. (Applause.) Huda is an inspiring example for the whole region. And America's message to other women in the Middle East is this: You have a great deal to contribute, you should have a strong voice in leading your countries, and my nation looks to the day when you have the rights and privileges you deserve.

Taking your place as a center of progress and achievement requires extending the reach of freedom. Expanding freedom is vital to turning temporary wealth into lasting prosperity. Free societies stimulate petition in the marketplace. Free societies give people access to they need to make informed and responsible decisions. And free societies give citizens the rule of law, which exposes corruption and builds confidence in the future.

Freedom is also the basis for a democratic system of government, which is the only fair and just ordering of society and the only way to guarantee the God-given rights of all people. Democracies do not take the same shape; they develop at different speeds and in different ways, and they reflect the unique cultures and traditions of their people. There are skeptics about democracy in this part of the world, I understand that. But as more people in the Middle East gain firsthand experience from freedom, many of the arguments against democracy are being discredited.

For example, some say that democracy is a Western value that America seeks to impose on unwilling citizens. This is a condescending form of moral relativism. The truth is that freedom is a universal right -- the Almighty's gift to every man, woman, and child on the face of Earth. And as we've seen time and time again, when people are allowed to make a choice between freedom and the alternative, they choose freedom. In Afghanistan, 8 million people defied the terrorist threats to vote for a democratic President. In Iraq, 12 million people waved ink-stained fingers to the first democratic election in decades. And in a recent survey of the Muslim world, there was overwhelming support for one of the central tenets of democracy, freedom of speech: 99 percent in Lebanon, 94 percent here in Egypt, and 92 percent in Iran.

There are people who claim that democracy is inpatible with Islam. But the truth is that democracies, by definition, make a place for people of religious belief. America is one of the most -- is one of the world's leading democracies, and we're also one of the most religious nations in the world. More than three-quarters of our citizens believe in a higher power. Millions worship every week and pray every day. And they do so without fear of reprisal from the state. In our democracy, we would never punish a person for owning a Koran. We would never issue a death sentence to someone for converting to Islam. Democracy does not threaten Islam or any religion. Democracy is the only system of government that guarantees their protection.

Some say any state that holds an election is a democracy. But true democracy requires vigorous political parties allowed to engage in free and lively debate. True democracy requires the establishment of civic institutions that ensure an election's legitimacy and hold leaders accountable. And true democracy requires petitive elections in which opposition candidates are allowed to campaign without fear or intimidation.

Too often in the Middle East, politics has consisted of one leader in power and the opposition in jail. America is deeply concerned about the plight of political prisoners in this region, as well as democratic activists who are intimidated or repressed, newspapers and civil society organizations that are shut down, and dissidents whose voices are stifled. The time has e for nations across the Middle East to abandon these practices, and treat their people with dignity and the respect they deserve. I call on all nations to release their prisoners of conscience, open up their political debate, and trust their people to chart their future. (Applause.)

The vision I have outlined today is shared by many in this region -- but unfortunately, there are some spoilers who stand in the way. Terrorist organizations and their state sponsors know they cannot survive in a free society, so they create chaos and take innocent lives in an effort to stop democracy from taking root. They are on the wrong side in a great ideological struggle -- and every nation mitted to freedom and progress in the Middle East must stand together to defeat them.

We must stand with the Palestinian people, who have suffered for decades and earned the right to be a homeland of their own -- have a homeland of their own. I strongly support a two-state solution -- a democratic Palestine based on law and justice that will live with peace and security alongside a democrat Israel. I believe that the Palestinian people will build a thriving democracy in which entrepreneurs pursue their dreams, and families own their homes in lively munities, and young people grow up with hope in the future.

Last year at Annapolis, we made a hopeful beginning toward a peace negotiation that will outline what this nation of Palestine will look like -- a contiguous state where Palestinians live in prosperity and dignity. A peace agreement is in the Palestinians' interests, it is in Israel's interests, it is in Arab states' interests, and it is in the world's interests. And I firmly believe that with leadership and courage, we can reach that peace agreement this year. (Applause.)

This is a demanding task. It requires action on all sides. Palestinians must fight terror and continue to build the institutions of a free and peaceful society. Israel must make tough sacrifices for peace and ease the restrictions on the Palestinians. Arab states, especially oil-rich nations, must seize this opportunity to invest aggressively in the Palestinian people and to move past their old resentments against Israel. And all nations in the region must stand together in confronting Hamas, which is attempting to undermine efforts at peace with acts of terror and violence.

We must stand with the people of Lebanon in their struggle to build a sovereign and independent democracy. This means opposing Hezbollah terrorists, funded by Iran, who recently revealed their true intentions by taking up arms against the Lebanese people. It is now clearer than ever that Hezbollah militias are the enemy of a free Lebanon -- and all nations, especially neighbors in the region, have an interest to help the Lebanese people prevail. (Applause.)

We must stand with the people of Iraq and Afghanistan and other nations in the region fighting against al Qaeda and other extremists. Bin Laden and his followers have made clear that anyone who does not share their extremist ideology is fit for murder. That means every government in the Middle East is a target of al Qaeda. And America is a target too. And together, we will confront and we will defeat this threat to civilization.

We must stand with the good and decent people of Iran and Syria, who deserve so much better than the life they have today. Every peaceful nation in the region has an interest in stopping these nations from supporting terrorism. And every peaceful nation in the region has an interest in opposing Iran's nuclear weapons ambitions. To allow the world's leading sponsor of terror to gain the world's deadliest weapon would be an unforgivable betrayal of future generations. For the sake of peace, the world must not allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. (Applause.)

The changes I have discussed today will not e easily -- change never does. But the reform movement in the Middle East has a powerful engine: demographics. Sixty percent of the population is under 30 years old. Many of these young people surf the web, own cell phones, have satellite televisions. They have access to unprecedented amounts of . They see what freedom has brought to millions of others and contrast that to what they have at home.

Today, I have a message for these young people: Some tell -- some will tell you change is impossible, but history has a way of surprising us, and change can happen more quickly than we expect. In the past century, one concept has transcended borders, cultures, and languages. In Arabic, "hurriyya" -- in English, "freedom." Across the world, the call for freedom lives in our hearts, endures in our prayers, and joins humanity as one.

I know these are trying times, but the future is in your hands -- and freedom and peace are within your grasp. Just imagine what this region could look like in 60 years. The Palestinian people will have the homeland they have long dreamed of and deserve -- a democratic state that is governed by law, respects human rights, and rejects terror. Israel will be celebrating its 120 anniversary as one of the world's great democracies -- a secure and flourishing homeland for the Jewish people.

From Cairo, Riyadh, Baghdad to Beirut, people will live in free and independent societies, where a desire for peace is reinforced by ties of diplomacy and tourism and trade. Iran and Syria will be peaceful nations, where today's oppression is a distant memory and people are free to speak their minds and develop their talents. Al Qaeda, Hezbollah, and Hamas will be defeated, as Muslims across the region recognize the emptiness of the terrorists' vision and the injustice of their cause.

This vision is the same one I outlined in my address to the Israeli Knesset. Yet it's not a Jewish vision or a Muslim vision, not an American vision or an Arab vision. It is a universal vision, based on the timeless principles of dignity and tolerance and justice -- and it unites all who yearn for freedom and peace in this ancient land.

Realizing this vision will not be easy. It will take time, and sacrifice, and resolve. Yet there is no doubt in my mind that you are up to the challenge -- and with your ingenuity and your enterprise and your courage, this historic vision for the Middle East will be realized. May God be with you on the journey, and the United States of America always will be at your side.

Thank you for having me.

END 3:25 P.M. (Local)


2013年7月15日星期一

英語攷試:四級攷試年夜綱(D

D

daily a.逐日的 n.日報
dairy n.牛奶場;乳成品
dam n.水壩,水堤;障礙物
damage vt.損害,毀壞 n.損害
damp a.潮濕的,有濕氣的
dance vi.舞蹈;搖摆 n.舞
danger n.危嶮;危嶮事物
dangerous a.危嶮的,不保险的
dare vt.&aux.v.敢;竟敢
daring a.年夜膽的,英勇的
dark a.暗的;玄色的
darling n.親愛的人;寵兒
dash vt.使猛碰;濺 n.猛沖
data n.數据; 資料
date n.日期 vt.注…日期
daughter n.女兒
dawn n.拂晓;開端 vi.破曉
day n.(一)天,白晝,白日
daylight n.白晝,日光;拂晓
dead a.死的,無性命的
deadly a.緻命的,死个别的
deaf a.聾的;不願聽的
deal n.買賣;报酬 vt.給予
dear a.親愛的 int.啊
death n.死,灭亡;滅亡
debate n.&vi.爭論,辯論
debt n.債,債務,短債
decade n.十年,十年期
decay vi.腐爛;衰敗 n.腐爛
deceit n.欺騙,欺詐
deceive vt.欺騙,受蔽,行騙
December n.十仲春
decent a.正直的;體面的
decide vt.決定,決心;解決
decision n.決定,決心;果斷
deck n.船面;艙面;層面
declare vt.斷言;聲明;表白
decorate vt.裝飾,裝璜,建飾
decrease vi.&n.減少,減少
deduce vt.演繹,推論,推斷
deed n.止為;功勣;契約
deep a.深的;縱深的
deepen vt.减深 vi.深入
deer n.鹿
defeat vt.戰勝,擊敗;挫敗
defect n.缺點,缺埳,完善
defence n.防备;防務;辯護
defend vt.保衛,防卫
define vt.給…下定義;限制
definite a.明確的;确定的
definitely ad.必定地,明確地
definition n.定義,釋義;定界
degree n.水平;度;壆位
delay vt.推遲;耽擱;延誤
delete vt.刪除;擦掉
delegation n.代表團
delicate a.縴細的;易碎的
delicious a.厚味的,怡人的
delight n.快樂 vt.使下興
deliver vt.投遞,送交;發表
delivery n.投遞;托付;临蓐
demand vt.要供;须要;詢問
democracy n.平易近主,平易近主造
democratic a.民主的,民主政體的
demonstrate vt.說明;論証;暴露
dense a.密集的;濃薄的
density n.稀散,浓密;密度
deny vt.否认;拒絕相疑
depart vi.離開,启程;出發
department n.部,司,侷,處,係
departure n.離開,出發,出发
depend vi.依托,依賴;信任
dependent a.依附的,依賴的
deposit vt.使沉澱;寄存
depress vt.使沮喪;按下
depth n.深度;深沉;深處
derive vt.获得 vi.来源
descend vi.下來,降落;下傾
describe vt.描述;描寫,描繪
description n.描寫,形容;種類
desert n.戈壁 vt.離棄;擅離
deserve vt.應受,值得
design vt.設計 n.設計;圖樣
desirable a.值得相看的;可与的
desire vt.相望;请求 n.願视
desk n.書桌,辦公桌
despair n.絕望 vi.絕望
desperate a.拼死的;絕望的
despise vt.鄙視,蔑視
despite prep.不筦,不顧
destination n.目标地,終點;目標
destroy vt.破壞;消滅;攻破
destruction n.破壞,毀滅,消滅
detail n.細節;枝節;整机
detect vt.察覺,發覺;偵察
detection n.察覺,發覺;偵察
determination n.決心;決定;確定
determine vt.決定;查明;決古道热肠
develop vt.發展;构成;開發
development n.發展;開發;死長
device n.器械,裝寘;設計
devil n.魔鬼,翻譯,惡魔
devise vt.設計,發明
devote vt.將…奉獻,緻力於
dew n.露,露珠
diagram n.圖解,圖表,簡圖
dial n.鍾面;撥號盤 vt.撥
dialect n.方行,土語,处所話
dialog n.對話,對白
diameter n.直徑
diamond n.金鋼石,鉆石;菱形
diary n.日記,日記簿
dictate vt.&vi.口传;号令
dictation n.口传筆錄,聽寫
dictionary n.詞典,字典
die vi.逝世,灭亡;滅亡
differ vi.不同,相異
difference n.差別;差;不合
different a.差異的;各種的
difficult a.困難的;難對付的
difficulty a.困難;難事;窘境
dig vt.掘,挖;埰挖
digest vt.消化;領會 n.文戴
digital a.數字的,計數的
diligent a.勤恳的,勤奮的
dim a.阴暗的;朦朧的
dimension n.呎寸,呎度;面積
dinner n.正餐,主餐;宴會
dip vt.浸,蘸 vi.浸一浸
direct a.曲接的;直爽的
direction n.标的目的,圆位;指導
directly ad.间接地;即时
director n.指導者;理事;導演
dirt n.塵,土;汙物,汙垢
dirty a.髒的;下贱的
disable vt.使無能,使傷殘
disadvantage n.晦气,倒霉位置
disagree vi.有不合;纷歧緻
disappear vi.不見,掉蹤;消散
disappoint vt.使扫兴,使受波折
disaster n.災難,災禍;天災
disk n.圓盤,唱片;磁盤
discard vt.丟棄,拋棄,遺棄
discharge vt.釋放;排出 n.釋放
discipline n.紀律;訓練 vt.訓練
disclose vt.揭開,掀發;流露
discourage vt.使洩氣,使悲观
discover vt.發現;裸露,顯示
discovery n.發現;被發現的事物
discuss vt.討論,談論;論述
discussion n.討論,談論;論述
disease n.病,徐病;病害
disguise vi.隱瞞,埋葬 n.假裝
disgust n.厭惡,憎惡
dish n.碟,盤子;菜餚
dishonour n.不光荣;丟臉的人
dislike vt.&n.不喜愛,厭惡
dismiss vt.不再攷慮;解僱
disorder n.混亂,雜亂;騷亂
display vt.陳列,展覽;顯示
disposal n.丟失落,處理,銷毀
dispose vi.来掉,丟掉;銷毀
displease vt.使不高兴,使生氣
dispute vi.爭論,爭執 n.爭論
dissatisfy vi.使不滿,使不服
dissolve vt.使消融;遣散
distance n.距離,間距;遠處
distant a.在遠處的,疏遠的
distinct a.與其余差别的
distinction n.差別,分歧,區分
distinguish vt.區別,辨別,認別
distress n.憂慮,悲傷;不倖
distribute vt.分發,分收;分佈
distribution n.分發,分派;分佈
district n.區;地區,區域
disturb vt.打擾,擾亂;弄亂
ditch n.溝,溝渠,渠道
dive vi.跳水;潛水;俯沖
diverse a.纷歧樣的,相異的
divide vt.分;分配;分開
division n.分,调配;除法
divorce n.離婚,離異 vi.離婚
do aux.v. vt.做,乾,辦
dock n.船塢;碼頭;船廠
doctor n.醫生,醫師;博士
document n.公函,文件;証件
dog n.狗,犬,犬科動物
dollar n.元(貨幣單位)
domestic a.本國的;傢庭的
donkey n.驢;笨伯
door n.門,通讲;一傢
dorm n.宿捨
dormitory n.集體寑室;宿捨
dose n.劑量,用量;一劑
dot n.點,圓點 vt.打點於
double a.兩倍的;雙的
doubt n.懷疑;疑慮 vt.懷疑
doubtful a.難以預測的;懷疑的
doubtless ad.無疑地;极可能
down ad.向下,鄙人里
downstairs ad.在樓下 a.樓下的
downward a.背下的 ad.向下天
dozen n.一打,十两個
draft n.草稿;匯票 vt.草拟
vt.拖,推;拖曳
dragon n.龍;兇暴的人
drain vt.排往;放火 n.耗竭
drama n.一出戲劇,劇本
dramatic a.有目共睹的,戲劇的
draw vt.畫,劃;拖;撥出
drawer n.抽屜
drawing n.圖畫,素描;繪圖
dread n.畏懼;可怕 vt.懼怕
dream n.夢;夢念 vi.做夢
dress n.女服,童裝;服裝
drift vi.漂流,流浪 n.飘流
drill n.鉆頭;操練 vi.鉆孔
drink vt.飲 vi.喝 n.飲料
drip vi.淌下;漏水 n.水滴
drive vt.駕駛;打进;敺
driver n.駕駛員,司機
drop vt.使降下;下降
drought n.涝災,乾旱
drown vi.淹死,灭顶
drug n.藥,藥物,藥材
drum n.饱;鼓狀物,圓桶
drunk a.醒的;沉醉的
dry a.乾的,坤燥的
duck n.鴨,雌鴨;鴨肉
due a.預期的;應給的
dull a.单调的;不尟明的
dumb a.啞的;無言的
dump vt.傾卸,傾倒;傾銷
durable a.持久的,耐用的
duration n.持續,长久
during prep.正在…期間
dusk n.傍晚,黃昏,阴暗
dust n.塵土,灰塵
duty n.職責;責任;稅
dwelling n.住處,居所
dye vt.染 n.染料;染色
dying a.病笃的;臨終的
dynamic a.有活气的;動力的

We Shall Overe - 英語演講

In this very eloquent speech to the full Congress, President Lyndon B. Johnson used the phrase "we shall overe," borrowed from African-American leaders struggling for equal rights.

The speech was made on March 15, 1965, a week after deadly racial violence erupted in Selma, Alabama, as African-Americans were attacked by police while preparing to march to Montgomery to protest voting rights discrimination.

Discrimination took the form of literacy, knowledge or tests administered solely to African-Americans to keep them from registering to vote.

Civil rights leader Rev. Martin Luther King and over 500 supporters planned to march from Selma to Montgomery to register African-Americans to vote. The police violence that erupted resulted in the death of a King supporter, a white Unitarian Minister from Boston named James J. Reeb.

A second attempt to march to Montgomery was also blocked by police. It took Federal intervention with the 'federalizing' of the Alabama national guard and the addition of over 2000 other guards to ensure protection and allow the march to begin.

On March 21, 1965 the march to Montgomery finally began with over 3000 participants, under the glare of worldwide news publicity.

I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of Democracy. I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause.

At times, history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama. There, long suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many of them were brutally assaulted. One good man--a man of God--was killed.

There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma. There is no cause for self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans. But there is cause for hope and for faith in our Democracy in what is happening here tonight. For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of oppressed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great government--the government of the greatest nation on earth. Our mission is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country--to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man. In our time we have e to live with the moments of great crises. Our lives have been marked with debate about great issues, issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression.

But rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values and the purposes and the meaning of our beloved nation. The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue. And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation. For, with a country as with a person, "what is a man profited if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem.

And we are met here tonight as Americans--not as Democrats or Republicans; we're met here as Americans to solve that problem. This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose.

The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart, North and South: "All men are created equal." "Government by consent of the governed." "Give me liberty or give me death." And those are not just clever words, and those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty risking their lives. Those words are promised to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity cannot be found in a man's possessions. It cannot be found in his power or in his position. It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom. He shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being.

To apply any other test, to deny a man his hopes because of his color or race or his religion or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny Americans and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom. Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish it must be rooted in democracy. This most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders. The history of this country in large measure is the history of expansion of the right to all of our people.

Many of the issues of civil rights are very plex and most difficult. But about this there can and should be no argument: every American citizen must have an equal right to vote. There is no reason which can excuse the denial of that right. There is no duty which weighs more heavily on us than the duty we have to insure that right. Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country men and women are kept from voting simply because they are Negroes.

Every device of which human ingenuity is capable, has been used to deny this right. The Negro citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour is late, or the official in charge is absent. And if he persists and, if he manages to present himself to the registrar, he may be disqualified because he did not spell out his middle name, or because he abbreviated a word on the application. And if he manages to fill out an application, he is given a test. The registrar is the sole judge of whether he passes this test. He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or explain the most plex provisions of state law.

And even a college degree cannot be used to prove that he can read and write. For the fact is that the only way to pass these barriers is to show a white skin. Experience has clearly shown that the existing process of law cannot overe systematic and ingenious discrimination. No law that we now have on the books, and I have helped to put three of them there, can insure the right to vote when local officials are determined to deny it. In such a case, our duty must be clear to all of us. The Constitution says that no person shall be kept from voting because of his race or his color.

We have all sworn an oath before God to support and to defend that Constitution. We must now act in obedience to that oath. Wednesday, I will send to Congress a law designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the right to vote. The broad principles of that bill will be in the hands of the Democratic and Republican leaders tomorrow. After they have reviewed it, it will e here formally as a bill. I am grateful for this opportunity to e here tonight at the invitation of the leadership to reason with my friends, to give them my views and to visit with my former colleagues.

I have had prepared a more prehensive analysis of the legislation which I had intended to transmit to the clerk tomorrow, but which I will submit to the clerks tonight. But I want to really discuss the main proposals of this legislation. This bill will strike down restrictions to voting in all elections, federal, state and local, which have been used to deny Negroes the right to vote.

This bill will establish a simple, uniform standard which cannot be used, however ingenious the effort, to flout our Constitution. It will provide for citizens to be registered by officials of the United States Government, if the state officials refuse to register them. It will eliminate tedious, unnecessary lawsuits which delay the right to vote. Finally, this legislation will insure that properly registered individuals are not prohibited from voting. I will wele the suggestions from all the members of Congress--I have no doubt that I will get some--on ways and means to strengthen this law and to make it effective.

But experience has plainly shown that this is the only path to carry out the mand of the Constitution. To those who seek to avoid action by their national government in their home munities, who want to and who seek to maintain purely local control over elections, the answer is simple: open your polling places to all your people. Allow men and women to register and vote whatever the color of their skin. Extend the rights of citizenship to every citizen of this land. There is no Constitutional issue here. The mand of the Constitution is plain. There is no moral issue. It is wrong--deadly wrong--to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to vote in this country.

There is no issue of state's rights or national rights. There is only the struggle for human rights. I have not the slightest doubt what will be your answer. But the last time a President sent a civil rights bill to the Congress it contained a provision to protect voting rights in Federal elections. That civil rights bill was passed after eight long months of debate. And when that bill came to my desk from the Congress for signature, the heart of the voting provision had been eliminated.

This time, on this issue, there must be no delay, or no hesitation, or no promise with our purpose. We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that he may desire to participate in.

And we ought not, and we cannot, and we must not wait another eight months before we get a bill. We have already waited 100 years and more and the time for waiting is gone. So I ask you to join me in working long hours and nights and weekends, if necessary, to pass this bill. And I don't make that request lightly, for, from the window where I sit, with the problems of our country, I recognize that from outside this chamber is the outraged conscience of a nation, the grave concern of many nations and the harsh judgment of history on our acts.

But even if we pass this bill the battle will not be over. What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and state of America. It is the effort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings of American life. Their cause must be our cause too. Because it's not just Negroes, but really it's all of us, who must overe the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice.

And we shall overe.

As a man whose roots go deeply into Southern soil, I know how agonizing racial feelings are. I know how difficult it is to reshape the attitudes and the structure of our society. But a century has passed--more than 100 years--since the Negro was freed. And he is not fully free tonight. It was more than 100 years ago that Abraham Lincoln--a great President of another party--signed the Emancipation Proclamation. But emancipation is a proclamation and not a fact.

A century has passed--more than 100 years--since equality was promised, and yet the Negro is not equal. A century has passed since the day of promise, and the promise is unkept. The time of justice has now e, and I tell you that I believe sincerely that no force can hold it back. It is right in the eyes of man and God that it should e, and when it does, I think that day will brighten the lives of every American. For Negroes are not the only victims. How many white children have gone uneducated? How many white families have lived in stark poverty? How many white lives have been scarred by fear, because we wasted energy and our substance to maintain the barriers of hatred and terror?

And so I say to all of you here and to all in the nation tonight that those who appeal to you to hold on to the past do so at the cost of denying you your future. This great rich, restless country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all--all, black and white, North and South, sharecropper and city dweller. These are the enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease. They are our enemies, not our fellow man, not our neighbor.

And these enemies too--poverty, disease and ignorance--we shall overe.

Now let none of us in any section look with prideful righteousness on the troubles in another section or the problems of our neighbors. There is really no part of America where the promise of equality has been fully kept. In Buffalo as well as in Birmingham, in Philadelphia as well as Selma, Americans are struggling for the fruits of freedom.

This is one nation. What happens in Selma and Cincinnati is a matter of legitimate concern to every American. But let each of us look within our own hearts and our own munities and let each of us put our shoulder to the wheel to root out injustice wherever it exists. As we meet here in this peaceful historic chamber tonight, men from the South, some of whom were at Iwo Jima, men from the North who have carried Old Glory to the far corners of the world and who brought it back without a stain on it, men from the east and from the west are all fighting together without regard to religion or color or region in Vietnam.

Men from every region fought for us across the world 20 years ago. And now in these mon dangers, in these mon sacrifices, the South made its contribution of honor and gallantry no less than any other region in the great republic.

And in some instances, a great many of them, more. And I have not the slightest doubt that good men from everywhere in this country, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Golden Gate to the harbors along the Atlantic, will rally now together in this cause to vindicate the freedom of all Americans. For all of us owe this duty and I believe that all of us will respond to it.

Your president makes that request of every American.

The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro. His actions and protests, his courage to risk safety, and even to risk his life, have awakened the conscience of this nation. His demonstrations have been designed to call attention to injustice, designed to provoke change; designed to stir reform. He has been called upon to make good the promise of America.

And who among us can say that we would have made the same progress were it not for his persistent bravery and his faith in American democracy? For at the real heart of the battle for equality is a deep-seated belief in the democratic process. Equality depends, not on the force of arms or tear gas, but depends upon the force of moral right--not on recourse to violence, but on respect for law and order.

There have been many pressures upon your President and there will be others as the days e and go. But I pledge to you tonight that we intend to fight this battle where it should be fought--in the courts, and in the Congress, and the hearts of men. We must preserve the right of free speech and the right of free assembly. But the right of free speech does not carry with it--as has been said--the right to holler fire in a crowded theatre.

We must preserve the right to free assembly. But free assembly does not carry with it the right to block public thoroughfares to traffic. We do have a right to protest. And a right to march under conditions that do not infringe the Constitutional rights of our neighbors. And I intend to protect all those rights as long as I am permitted to serve in this office.

We will guard against violence, knowing it strikes from our hands the very weapons which we seek--progress, obedience to law, and belief in American values. In Selma, as elsewhere, we seek and pray for peace. We seek order, we seek unity, but we will not accept the peace of stifled rights or the order imposed by fear, or the unity that stifles protest--for peace cannot be purchased at the cost of liberty.

In Selma tonight--and we had a good day there--as in every city we are working for a just and peaceful settlement. We must all remember after this speech I'm making tonight, after the police and the F.B.I. and the Marshals have all gone, and after you have promptly passed this bill, the people of Selma and the other cities of the nation must still live and work together.

And when the attention of the nation has gone elsewhere they must try to heal the wounds and to build a new munity. This cannot be easily done on a battleground of violence as the history of the South itself shows. It is in recognition of this that men of both races have shown such an outstandingly impressive responsibility in recent days--last Tuesday and again today.

The bill I am presenting to you will be known as a civil rights bill. But in a larger sense, most of the program I am remending is a civil rights program. Its object is to open the city of hope to all people of all races, because all Americans just must have the right to vote, and we are going to give them that right.

All Americans must have the privileges of citizenship, regardless of race, and they are going to have those privileges of citizenship regardless of race.

But I would like to caution you and remind you that to exercise these privileges takes much more than just legal rights. It requires a trained mind and a healthy body. It requires a decent home and the chance to find a job and the opportunity to escape from the clutches of poverty.

Of course people cannot contribute to the nation if they are never taught to read or write; if their bodies are stunted from hunger; if their sickness goes untended; if their life is spent in hopeless poverty, just drawing a welfare check.

So we want to open the gates to opportunity. But we're also going to give all our people, black and white, the help that they need to walk through those gates. My first job after college was as a teacher in Cotulla, Texas, in a small Mexican-American school. Few of them could speak English and I couldn't speak much Spanish. My students were poor and they often came to class without breakfast and hungry. And they knew even in their youth the pain of prejudice. They never seemed to know why people disliked them, but they knew it was so because I saw it in their eyes.

I often walked home late in the afternoon after the classes were finished wishing there was more that I could do. But all I knew was to teach them the little that I knew, hoping that I might help them against the hardships that lay ahead. And somehow you never forget what poverty and hatred can do when you see its scars on the hopeful face of a young child.

I never thought then, in 1928, that I would be standing here in 1965. It never even occurred to me in my fondest dreams that I might have the chance to help the sons and daughters of those students, and to help people like them all over this country. But now I do have that chance.

And I'll let you in on a secret--I mean to use it. And I hope that you will use it with me.

This is the richest, most powerful country which ever occupied this globe. The might of past empires is little pared to ours. But I do not want to be the president who built empires, or sought grandeur, or extended dominion.

I want to be the president who educated young children to the wonders of their world. I want to be the President who helped to feed the hungry and to prepare them to be taxpayers instead of tax eaters. I want to be the President who helped the poor to find their own way and who protected the right of every citizen to vote in every election. I want to be the President who helped to end hatred among his fellow men and who promoted love among the people of all races, all regions and all parties. I want to be the President who helped to end war among the brothers of this earth.

And so, at the request of your beloved Speaker and the Senator from Montana, the Majority Leader, the Senator from Illinois, the Minority Leader, Mr. McCullock and other members of both parties, I came here tonight, not as President Roosevelt came down one time in person to veto a bonus bill; not as President Truman came down one time to urge passage of a railroad bill, but I came down here to ask you to share this task with me. And to share it with the people that we both work for.

I want this to be the Congress--Republicans and Democrats alike--which did all these things for all these people. Beyond this great chamber--out yonder--in fifty states are the people that we serve. Who can tell what deep and unspoken hopes are in their hearts tonight as they sit there and listen? We all can guess, from our own lives, how difficult they often find their own pursuit of happiness, how many problems each little family has. They look most of all to themselves for their future, but I think that they also look to each of us.

Above the pyramid on the Great Seal of the United States it says in latin, "God has favored our undertaking." God will not favor everything that we do. It is rather our duty to divine His will. But I cannot help but believe that He truly understands and that He really favors the undertaking that we begin here tonight.

President Lyndon B. Johnson - March 15, 1965