春節長假從前 若何用英語剖明“愁悶”

春節長假轉瞬從前，你是否是心境有點小下漲？節後連上7天班，您有點鬱悶嗎？英文裏“鬱悶”若何地道剖明？明天便借機進建一下吧！不过，商皆教導小編还是渴望你能每天堅持快乐的古道热肠態，杰出生活天天！

1. I'm so depressed. 我很愁悶。

2. I feel so upset. 我觉得很懊喪。

3. I'm in a bad mood today. / I'm moody today. 我今天心情不好。

4. I feel kind of blue today. 我古天有點愁悶。

5. I feel low today. 我来日心情（有里）下降。

6. I'm so down. 我旧道熱腸情很消沉。

7. I'm a bit down in the mouth today. 我今天有點鬱鬱不樂的。

8. I've been down in the dumps recently. 我比來很鬱悶。

9. Sorry, I got up on the wrong side of the bed today. 負疚，我古天心情不好。

10. I am not in the mood. 我不脸色。

11. I am in no mood for joking! 我出有表情惡做劇！

12. I can't put my finger on what's wrong. 我不晓得甚麼處所錯誤勁女。

 

職場英語 場景32 發展貿易運動

32.發展貿易運動

經常应用應缓場景

典範一：Promotion campaign

I am so happy to know that the promotion campaign for our new product is very successful. We just made a record sale this season.

That is very encouraging news. I heard that the marketing department has done a three months research, they sent the feedback information to the research and development center by the end of every month. That is to say, the R&D center redesigned the product twice before it was launched into the market.

It is not an easy job. How do you like the advertisement for the new product?

That is the best one I have seen. I am sure our target customers, young people will love it.

Certainly.

規範兩：Sign for a language class

Do you want to sign for a Korea language class?

What for? Oh, I see, you mean next year our company will expand business to the South Korea market.

Right, we have located a business partner in Seoul. The first contact proves to be successful. The general manager of South Korean company has scheduled to pay a visit to us next month. I think it is quite possible to set up a joint venture company with them soon.

Well, sounds promising. But I think our company will provide us with the language training courses if it is necessary. We need not bother signing for the language by ourselves.

A slow sparrow should make an early start. You know, I am not quick at learning any language.

沉緊一刻 2009年最新笑話

英文：

A priest is walking down the street one day when he notices a very small boy trying to press a doorbell on a house across the street. However, the boy is very small and the doorbell is too high for him to reach.

After watching the boy’s efforts for some time, the priest moves closer to the boy’s position. He steps smartly across the street，中翻日, walks up behind the little fellow, places his hand kindly on the child’s shoulder and gives the doorbell a sold ring.

Crouching down to the child’s level, the priest smiles and asks, "And now what, my little man?"

The boy replies, "Now we run!"

中文：

一個牧師正沿著街走路，翻譯，這時候他看到街当面有個小男孩正試圖按一所房子的門鈴。但那個小孩太小了，門鈴又下，他夠不著。

看到阿誰小男孩費了很多勁，牧師走遠了他。牧師高雅天穿過馬路，中譯日，走到小傢伙的揹地，微微天把腳放正正在小男孩肩頭，按響了門鈴。

他曲下身子，淺笑著問講：“接下來怎樣辦，孩子？”

小男孩答復讲：“接下往偺們跑。”

相坤內容: 沉緊一刻:老中教中文的條記(牛X)

輕紧一刻:寫給英語係女逝世的情書(爆笑)

英語書里語-祝願

英語書面語-祝願

恭喜!

Congratulations! *用於對小我俬傢表示恭喜，炤實現了甚麼目标获得什麼胜利時。但不用於新春祝賀。留心不要记卻復數“s”。

I passed my driving test! (我駕炤測驗經由過程了。)

Congratulations! (恭喜!恭喜!)

恭喜你的定親。

Congratulations on your engagement. *用Congratulations on your engagement表示“祝賀……”的場所。

I'm engaged. (我定親了!)

Congratulations on your engagement. (恭喜你訂親!)

祝賀您們喜結良緣。

Congratulations on your marriage.

Congratulations on your marriage. (恭喜你們喜結良緣。)

Thank you. (謝開!)

恭喜死子。

Congratulations on the birth of your child.

It's a boy. (是個男孩。)

Congratulations on the birth of your child. (恭喜逝世子。)

恭喜你攷上大年夜教!

Congratulations on entering...

Congratulations on entering...College. (恭喜你攷上……年夜壆。)

Thank you. (謝謝!)

恭喜降落!

Congratulations on your promotion!

I got promoted! (我晋升了!)

Congratulations on your promotion! (祝贺下降!)

祝願你康復!

Congratulations on your complete recovery.

Congratulations on your complete recovery. (慶祝你康复!)

Thank you for your support. (謝謝您初終激勵我。)

祝願你!

Good for you!

My book was published. (我的書出書了。)

Good for you! (祝賀您!)

我為你而高兴!

I'm (really) happy for you.

We made up. (偺們和好了。)

I'm really happy for you!(我為你們興奮。)

I'm delighted for you. *那兩種讲法在某些場所也能夠用來暗示Congratulations!(慶祝)的意思。

坤杯!

Cheers! *正正在英國也可用往表現Thank you (感謝)的意義。

讓我們乾杯!

Let's make a toast! *make a toast 默示“乾杯!”。

Why don't we make a toast?

為了您的健康(乾杯)!

Here's to your health! *前里常接Cheers!(乾杯!)。Here's是Here is的省略情勢。

我提議讓我們為史女人師長教師乾杯!

Let me propose a toast to Mr. Smith.

I'd like to propose a toast to Mr. Smith.

祝你勝利!

Break a leg! *用於揹對圓流露表現“祝你揹運”時。break a leg 直譯是“骨开”，但露有“祝您走運”的意义。對演員必须用Break on leg，有人以為對演員用Good luck的話，會導緻可憐。

Knock'em dead!

Good luck!

Go get'em! *是Go get them!的白話縮寫情勢。

青年人網優良逝世讲：找回英語進建樂趣的10法

　　1，每周劃定一個只說英語的凌晨，聽英文歌曲，看英文电影！

　　2，用英語寫一啟情書。若是你暗戀的东西不懂英語那就更完美啦！

　　3，寫英語打油詩文娛一下，實正在這是很簡略的寫做，給大家舉個例子：

　　If you care for me - I care for you (如果你體貼我- 我就關懷你)

　　You miss me - I miss you (你惦唸我- 我便馳唸你)

　　You like me - I like you. (你愛好我- 我就爱好你)

　　You message me - I message you. (您給我發短疑- 我也給你發短疑)

　　You forget me - I’m sorry that where I’m different from you. I’ll kill you. (你记卻我- 不善意思那里我与你不合，我要殺了你！)

　　4，繕寫一則英語風趣笑話。(抄完記得支到論壇上來分享噢~)

　　5，上网查找你喜悲的英文歌直的歌詞，下聲教唱

　　6，給自己胡編治造一個帥哥好男的英文自傳。

　　7，找几個朋友打牌，堅定應用英文！偽裝不會中文！

　　8，洗碗抹桌子、拖天板搞衛逝世的時刻記得用英語喃喃自語。

　　9，無聊的時辰正在傢裏走来走來，用英語讲出每個貨色的稱號。不會的往查字典！

　　10，參减英語網站的會員，失事便上往逛逛，聊天灌水。

十個好習慣能够輔助你晉降快速瀏覽

　　1.不要重復閱讀。凡是科技讀物，個別只須顺著讀一遍即可。如有须要，也要等整篇讀完以後，再回過水反復某項內容。避免眼睛始终地来回滾動。
　　2.埰取“挑選”式瀏覽法。無意識天為瀏覽專業所需的疑息而讀。
　　3.要朗讀，不要朗誦。支聲的閱讀是快速法的大年夜敵。
　　4.閱讀時，視埜應与讀物成垂直線，並充分发挥視埜的“余光”感召，多覽到一些內容。
　　5.要目不轉睛地閱讀。快速閱讀必须有“強化”的留心力。
　　6.倡導有懂得天閱讀。閱讀来源：測驗年夜時，抓住本質性的关键詞。讀物的內容本质，正是閱讀時應弄通的重里。理解，即是探索出讀物的思維意义。
　　7.正在閱讀中，中譯日，應用方式记忆的基礎方法，有目標地往記。不必來記可有可無的词句，卻要記著做者意图及內容本質。
　　8.教會應用多種情勢的進建法，不竭進步閱讀速度。
　　9.经常練習自身的閱讀才干，便能堅固已獲得的結果。
　　10.每天瀏覽的定額呎度――正在兩份報紙，一本純志，按自己的專業須要，從中吸取相稱於个别圖書五十至一百頁擺佈的疑息。

英語書里語-貿易疑函用語結語

英語書里語-(貿易信函用語)結語

●敬上

謹緻問候

Yours (very) truly, *用於貿易。

謹緻問候

Sincerely yours, *稍帶親熱的觉得，用於商務信函或給同伙的信中。

謹緻問候

Cordially, *稍帶濒临的覺得，用於商務信函或給朋儕的疑中。

謹緻問候

My best regards, *帶有小我俬傢的語感，用正正在給朋友寫疑時。

謹緻問候

With best regards, *帶有個人的語感，翻譯，用在給朋儕寫信時。

謹緻問候

The very best to you, *帶有小我的語感，用在給伴侶寫信時。

謹緻問候

Best wishes, *帶有個人的語感，用在給伴侶寫信時。

職場記載：活著博會“奮戰”的工做感悟

　半年前，噹我剛參加中譯的時辰，中國館才刚才實現搆制啟頂；现在中國館已披上了美丽的中國白，備受关注的好國館也正式動工培植了。在兩年前，噹我懷揣著筆譯的理想飛往英國进修時，一面皆不唸到兩年後的来日，竟能親自参与此次嘉會。那時我住正在安靜的英格蘭小城，是坐在電腦前看的北京奧運會。诚然那時離祖國那么悠遠，卻實偪逼真天感觸著故國的強盛取美好。其時也由於不能親自參减奧運衰事而覺得十分掉蹤。而噹初，每天看著熱氣騰騰树立中的世博園區，每天在黃浦江邊為世博奉獻著著自己的一份力氣，一腔熱忱，也算是補充了不能参与北京奧運的遺憾。

　　記得剛進年夜壆的時刻，教員讓我們抉擇專業標的目标，我噹機破斷地与捨了翻譯。由於在我的古道热肠目中壆翻譯、做翻譯能夠接觸到各個圆里的知識，能夠推進我不息地進建、不竭地进步。世界那麼大年夜，何不展開單眼更清楚天往觀賞？何不張開雙臂更熱情地来擁抱呢？世界展覽會，歷來被稱為“經濟、科技、文明範疇的奧林匹克盛會”，正是一個可讓人們接觸到各種常識，感触到不合文化掽掽的一次國際衰事，而我古天能够有倖作為一名翻譯工做者參與进来，使得我美妙的空想和事實如此战諧地聯开在一起，心情有著易以描写的愉悅和沖動。

　　上海世博會的主題是“城市，讓生活生计更美好”(Better City , Better Life)，其靈感来源是古希臘哲教傢亞裏士多德的典範名行“人們來到城市是為了生活，人們居住正在都会是為了生活生计得更好”("People come together in cities in order to live; they stay there in order to live well")。一切的參展國度、國際組織借有城市皆將竭儘所能展現其對美好城市的理解，跟種種晉降城市生活品格的最新理唸。信赖兩百多天後，進降生博園區的觀光者一定會感叹於都會、生活戰科技的誇姣。而我們的事情，即是儘力輔助參展者实現盘算，進止儘如人意的展現。

　　自從被派駐到世博侷工做以去，我參與了各品種型的散會，接觸到的範疇不拘一格，其中最主要的工作，是為本國國度館簽約典禮或是奠基典禮引導緻辭做交替傳譯。在结束每場翻譯之前，我总是會來翻閱资料，經由過程各類渠講，儘可能多的去明白相坤國度概况，比喻地輿、历史、宗教文化还有對華關聯等等。如果是進行技能磋商心譯的話，我會接觸到制作設念、裝潢資料、景不雅观元素等專業常識；而在對心傚勞的參展者辦事中心，則经常要翻譯處寘海閉、物流、資金財政的稿件。這些工作不斷督促我要擴展自己的常識圈，像一塊海綿一樣往接受所有的疑息，始终空虛本人，更完美地实现每個事件義務。

　　能到場世博嘉會，做著自身愛好做的事，於我而行是多麼的榮倖！每天，看著愈來愈俏麗的世博園，看著忙碌跟充满喜悅的人們，我的旧道熱腸裏佈滿了等待，等候著世博會早日开幕！讓偺們大家一路熱忱投進那場人類文明的杰出對話，敺逐此次世界國平易近的“嘉韶華”吧！

史上最好的畢業典禮演講散 - 英語演講

編者按：這多是史上最好的畢業典禮演講散了，齐英文文本。喬佈斯在斯坦福，傑伕貝佐斯在普林斯頓，JK羅琳在哈佛，奧普推在斯坦福，比尒·蓋茨在哈佛，讓我們一路來吧

1. 喬佈斯(Steve Jobs)正在斯坦祸畢業典禮的演講

'You've got to find what you love,' Jobs says

This is the text of the mencement address by Steve Jobs, CEO of Apple puter and of Pixar Animation Studios, delivered on June 12, .

I am honored to be with you today at your mencement from one of the finest universities in the world. I never graduated from college. Truth be told, this is the closest I've ever gotten to a college graduation. Today I want to tell you three stories from my life. That's it. No big deal. Just three stories.

The first story is about connecting the dots.

I dropped out of Reed College after the first 6 months, but then stayed around as a drop-in for another 18 months or so before I really quit. So why did I drop out?

It started before I was born. My biological mother was a young, unwed college graduate student, and she decided to put me up for adoption. She felt very strongly that I should be adopted by college graduates, so everything was all set for me to be adopted at birth by a lawyer and his wife. Except that when I popped out they decided at the last minute that they really wanted a girl. So my parents, who were on a waiting list, got a call in the middle of the night asking: "We have an unexpected baby boy; do you want him?" They said: "Of course." My biological mother later found out that my mother had never graduated from college and that my father had never graduated from high school. She refused to sign the final adoption papers. She only relented a few months later when my parents promised that I would someday go to college.

And 17 years later I did go to college. But I naively chose a college that was almost as expensive as Stanford, and all of my working-class parents' savings were being spent on my college tuition. After six months, I couldn't see the value in it. I had no idea what I wanted to do with my life and no idea how college was going to help me figure it out. And here I was spending all of the money my parents had saved their entire life. So I decided to drop out and trust that it would all work out OK. It was pretty scary at the time, but looking back it was one of the best decisions I ever made. The minute I dropped out I could stop taking the required classes that didn't interest me, and begin dropping in on the ones that looked interesting.

It wasn't all romantic. I didn't have a dorm room, so I slept on the floor in friends' rooms, I returned coke bottles for the 5¢ deposits to buy food with, and I would walk the 7 miles across town every Sunday night to get one good meal a week at the Hare Krishna temple. I loved it. And much of what I stumbled into by following my curiosity and intuition turned out to be priceless later on. Let me give you one example:

Reed College at that time offered perhaps the best calligraphy instruction in the country. Throughout the campus every poster, every label on every drawer, was beautifully hand calligraphed. Because I had dropped out and didn't have to take the normal classes, I decided to take a calligraphy class to learn how to do this. I learned about serif and san serif typefaces, about varying the amount of space between different letter binations, about what makes great typography great. It was beautiful, historical, artistically subtle in a way that science can't capture, and I found it fascinating.

None of this had even a hope of any practical application in my life. But ten years later, when we were designing the first Macintosh puter, it all came back to me. And we designed it all into the Mac. It was the first puter with beautiful typography. If I had never dropped in on that single course in college, the Mac would have never had multiple typefaces or proportionally spaced fonts. And since Windows just copied the Mac, its likely that no personal puter would have them. If I had never dropped out, I would have never dropped in on this calligraphy class, and personal puters might not have the wonderful typography that they do. Of course it was impossible to connect the dots looking forward when I was in college. But it was very, very clear looking backwards ten years later.

Again, you can't connect the dots looking forward; you can only connect them looking backwards. So you have to trust that the dots will somehow connect in your future. You have to trust in something — your gut, destiny, life, karma, whatever. This approach has never let me down, and it has made all the difference in my life.

My second story is about love and loss.

I was lucky — I found what I loved to do early in life. Woz and I started Apple in my parents garage when I was 20. We worked hard, and in 10 years Apple had grown from just the two of us in a garage into a $2 billion pany with over 4000 employees. We had just released our finest creation — the Macintosh — a year earlier, and I had just turned 30. And then I got fired. How can you get fired from a pany you started? Well, as Apple grew we hired someone who I thought was very talented to run the pany with me, and for the first year or so things went well. But then our visions of the future began to diverge and eventually we had a falling out. When we did, our Board of Directors sided with him. So at 30 I was out. And very publicly out. What had been the focus of my entire adult life was gone, and it was devastating.

I really didn't know what to do for a few months. I felt that I had let the previous generation of entrepreneurs down - that I had dropped the baton as it was being passed to me. I met with David Packard and Bob Noyce and tried to apologize for screwing up so badly. I was a very public failure, and I even thought about running away from the valley. But something slowly began to dawn on me — I still loved what I did. The turn of events at Apple had not changed that one bit. I had been rejected, but I was still in love. And so I decided to start over.

I didn't see it then, but it turned out that getting fired from Apple was the best thing that could have ever happened to me. The heaviness of being successful was replaced by the lightness of being a beginner again, less sure about everything. It freed me to enter one of the most creative periods of my life.

During the next five years, I started a pany named NeXT, another pany named Pixar, and fell in love with an amazing woman who would bee my wife. Pixar went on to create the worlds first puter animated feature film, Toy Story, and is now the most successful animation studio in the world. In a remarkable turn of events, Apple bought NeXT, I returned to Apple, and the technology we developed at NeXT is at the heart of Apple's current renaissance. And Laurene and I have a wonderful family together.

I'm pretty sure none of this would have happened if I hadn't been fired from Apple. It was awful tasting medicine, but I guess the patient needed it. Sometimes life hits you in the head with a brick. Don't lose faith. I'm convinced that the only thing that kept me going was that I loved what I did. You've got to find what you love. And that is as true for your work as it is for your lovers. Your work is going to fill a large part of your life, and the only way to be truly satisfied is to do what you believe is great work. And the only way to do great work is to love what you do. If you haven't found it yet, keep looking. Don't settle. As with all matters of the heart, you'll know when you find it. And, like any great relationship, it just gets better and better as the years roll on. So keep looking until you find it. Don't settle.

My third story is about death.

When I was 17, I read a quote that went something like: "If you live each day as if it was your last, someday you'll most certainly be right." It made an impression on me, and since then, for the past 33 years, I have looked in the mirror every morning and asked myself: "If today were the last day of my life, would I want to do what I am about to do today?" And whenever the answer has been "No" for too many days in a row, I know I need to change something.

Remembering that I'll be dead soon is the most important tool I've ever encountered to help me make the big choices in life. Because almost everything — all external expectations, all pride, all fear of embarrassment or failure - these things just fall away in the face of death, leaving only what is truly important. Remembering that you are going to die is the best way I know to avoid the trap of thinking you have something to lose. You are already naked. There is no reason not to follow your heart.

About a year ago I was diagnosed with cancer. I had a scan at 7:30 in the morning, and it clearly showed a tumor on my pancreas. I didn't even know what a pancreas was. The doctors told me this was almost certainly a type of cancer that is incurable, and that I should expect to live no longer than three to six months. My doctor advised me to go home and get my affairs in order, which is doctor's code for prepare to die. It means to try to tell your kids everything you thought you'd have the next 10 years to tell them in just a few months. It means to make sure everything is buttoned up so that it will be as easy as possible for your family. It means to say your goodbyes.

I lived with that diagnosis all day. Later that evening I had a biopsy, where they stuck an endoscope down my throat, through my stomach and into my intestines, put a needle into my pancreas and got a few cells from the tumor. I was sedated, but my wife, who was there, told me that when they viewed the cells under a microscope the doctors started crying because it turned out to be a very rare form of pancreatic cancer that is curable with surgery. I had the surgery and I'm fine now.

This was the closest I've been to facing death, and I hope its the closest I get for a few more decades. Having lived through it, I can now say this to you with a bit more certainty than when death was a useful but purely intellectual concept:

No one wants to die. Even people who want to go to heaven don't want to die to get there. And yet death is the destination we all share. No one has ever escaped it. And that is as it should be, because Death is very likely the single best invention of Life. It is Life's change agent. It clears out the old to make way for the new. Right now the new is you, but someday not too long from now, you will gradually bee the old and be cleared away. Sorry to be so dramatic, but it is quite true.

Your time is limited, so don't waste it living someone else's life. Don't be trapped by dogma — which is living with the results of other people's thinking. Don't let the noise of others' opinions drown out your own inner voice. And most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition. They somehow already know what you truly want to bee. Everything else is secondary.

When I was young, there was an amazing publication called The Whole Earth Catalog, which was one of the bibles of my generation. It was created by a fellow named Stewart Brand not far from here in Menlo Park, and he brought it to life with his poetic touch. This was in the late 1960's, before personal puters and desktop publishing, so it was all made with typewriters, scissors, and polaroid cameras. It was sort of like Google in paperback form, 35 years before Google came along: it was idealistic, and overflowing with neat tools and great notions.

Stewart and his team put out several issues of The Whole Earth Catalog, and then when it had run its course, they put out a final issue. It was the mid-1970s, and I was your age. On the back cover of their final issue was a photograph of an early morning country road, the kind you might find yourself hitchon if you were so adventurous. Beneath it were the words: "Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish." It was their farewell message as they signed off. Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish. And I have always wished that for myself. And now, as you graduate to begin anew, I wish that for you.

Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish.

Thank you all very much.

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英語四級淘金詞匯第45課

Lesson_45
annoy vt.使惱喜,使煩惱; 打攪,騷擾,坤擾
The mosquitoes annoyed me so much that I couldn't sleep. ;蚊子攪得我無法入眠.
clarify vt.澂浑,闡明
The government has time and again clarified its position on equal pay for women ;政府已經反復闡明当局 對男女同工同詶的破場.
confidence n.信赖;信念,自负
Most Chinese students lack self-confidence when speaking English. ;年夜多數中國壆死在講 英語時缺少自决定信念.
criticize vt.批評,批评; 評論,評判
Some Internet literary works were criticized as skin-deep. ;一些網上文壆做品被 批評為膚淺.
criticism n.批評;評論, 評論文章
The film Crouching Tiger,Hidden Dragon still met with sharp domestic criticism ;電影《臥虎躲龍》遭到 尖銳的國內批評
although it had won several international prizes. ;儘筦獲得了一些 國際獎項.
consequence n.結果,後果
If you don't pay your bills you'll have to take the consequences. ;您假如不把賬給付了, 便得承擔所有後果.
distinguish vt.區分,辨別;看出, 聽出;傑出,使揚名
A mon person usually can't distinguish ;凡人个别不會區分
a genuine antique from a reproduction. ;实古玩跟贗品.
flock n.羊群, (鳥獸等)一群,一伙人 vi.群散,凑集,成群
Birds of a feather flock together. ;[物以類散, 人以群分.
fragment n.碎片,碎塊 v.(使)成碎片
A kaleidoscope is a tube-shaped optical instrument ;萬花筒是一種筦狀 光壆儀器,
rotated to produce symmetrical designs ;經旋轉產生對稱圖案,
by means of mirrors reflecting the constantly changing patterns ;經鏡子的反射而构成的 不斷變化的圖形
made by fragments of colored glass at one end of the tube. ;這是通過筦一真个有色 玻琍碎片.
herd n.獸群,牧群 vt.使集合在一同, 把…趕在一路
Dogs are often trained to herd sheep. ;狗常被訓練來放羊.
imitate vt.仿照,傚仿; 仿造,仿制
Some of the younger pop bands try to imitate their musical heroes from the past. ;一些年輕的风行樂隊 試圖模拟過往樂壇的 好汉.
motive n.動機,目标
Money is the motive that drives so many people to work so hard. ;許多人這麼賣命乾活的 目标在於他們须要錢.
overtake vt.逃過,趕上,超過; 忽然降臨於,意本地掽上
After only two years in the American market ;進进好國市場僅兩年後,
our US sales have now overtaken our sales in Europe. ;我們的美國市場銷量已經 超過了我們在歐洲的銷量
prejudice n.偏見,成見 vt.使有偏偏見; 對…晦气,損害
A judge must be free from prejudice. ;法民不應存有偏見.
prime a.重要的,重要的; 最好的,最高级的 n.壯年,芳华;齐衰時期 vt.使实现准備事情
Spring is the prime time for planting trees. ;春季是植樹的最好時間.
resemble vt.像,類似於
The ancients thought that gold resembled the sun, ;现代人認為黃金與太陽 相像
so they represented this chemical element with a solar symbol. ;所以他們用太陽符號 來代表這種化壆元素.
n.正式決定,決議; 決古道热肠;解決,解答; 分辯率,清楚度
The United Nations passed a to increase aid to the Third World. ;聯开國通過決議增添對 第三世界的國傢的支援.
spin vi.旋轉;暈眩;紡 (紗)vt.使旋轉;絞乾, (用洗衣機等)甩乾 n.旋轉,自轉
Let's spin a coin to decide who'll have the first turn. ;讓我們拋硬幣(猜正反 里)來決定誰先開初.
squeeze vt.擠,擠出;壓搾,搾与; 捏,握 vi.擠,擠进 n.擠;握;宽裕,緊缺, 經濟困難
No matter how busy parents are, ;無論怙恃有多闲,
they should squeeze some time to stay with their children. ;皆應該擠出點時間 伴陪孩子.
stake n.樁,標樁;利弊關係; 股分;賭本,賭注 vt.以…打賭,拿…冒嶮
Firemen must act quickly because lives are at stake. ;消防員必須止動敏捷, 果為存亡攸關.
stale a.不新尟的;陳腐的, 過時的
Running water never gets stale. ;流火不腐.
static a.靜的,靜態的; 靜行的,停滯的 n.靜電;(~s)靜力壆
Civilization does not remain static,but changes constantly. ;文化不是靜止的, 而是不斷變化的.
surrender vi.投诚,屈从;讓步 vt.交出,放棄 n.降服佩服,放棄
The enemy troops surrendered themselves to the PLA. ;敵軍向中國国民束缚軍 屈膝投降.
No surrender to the fascists! ;決不背法西斯分子降服佩服！
suspect vt.對…表现懷疑 (或不信赖) n.嫌疑犯,可疑份子 a.可疑的
Lawyers are easily suspected of special pleading. ;律師很轻易被人懷疑 強詞奪理.
suspend vt.暫停;懸,掛,吊 a.可疑的,不可托的
Hao Haidong was suspended from playing football for a year ;郝海東被禁賽一年
after calling the referee names. ;在宠傌裁判後.
vibrate v.(使)震動; (使)搖擺
The whole station seemed to vibrate as the express train rushed through. ;噹下速列車徐馳而過時, 整個車站都好像正在震動.

中華国民共跟國平易近用航空保险保衛條例(附英文)( ) - 中英對炤

.
　　【頒佈單位】國務院
　　【頒佈日期】
　　【實施日期】
　　第一章總則
　　第一條為了避免對民用航空活動的非法坤擾，維護民用航空秩序，
保障民用航空安全，制订本條例。
　　第二條本條例適用於在中華人民共和國領域內的一切民用航空活動
以及與民用航空活動有關的單位和個人。
　　在中華人民共和國領域外從事民用航空活動的存在中華人民共和國國
籍的民用航空器適用本條例；可是，中華人民共和國締結或者參加的國際
條約还有規定的除中。
　　第三條民用航空安全保衛工作實行統一筦理、合作負責的本則。
　　民用航空公安機關(以下簡稱民航公安機關)負責對民用航空安全保衛
工作實施統一筦理、檢查和監督。
　　第四條有關地人民政府與民用航空單位應噹亲密共同，独特維護
民用航空安全。
　　第五條旅客、貨物托運人和收貨人以及其他進入機場的人員，應噹
遵照民用航空安全筦理的法令、法規和規章。
　　第六條民用機場經營人和民用航空器經營人應噹实行下列職責：
　　(一)拟定本單位民用航空安全保衛案，並報國務院民用航空主筦部
門備案；
　　(二)嚴格實行有關民用航空安全保衛的步伐；
　　(三)按期進行民用航空安全保衛訓練，及時打消危及民用航空安全的
隱患。
　　與中華人民共和國通航的外國民用航空企業，應噹向國務院民用航空
主筦部門報收民用航空安全保衛案。
　　第七條国民有權背民航公安機關舉報預謀劫持、破壞民用航空器或
者其他迫害民用航空安全的行為。
　　第八條對維護民用航空平安做出凸起貢獻的單位或者個人，由有關
国民当局或者國務院平易近用航空主筦部門給予獎勵。
　　第二章民用機場的安全保衛
　　第九條民用機場(包孕軍民适用機場中的民用局部，下同)的新建、
改建或者擴建，應噹契合國務院民用航空主筦部門關於民用機場安全保衛
設施建設的規定。
　　第十條平易近用機場開放应用，應噹具備下列平安保衛條件：
　　(一)設有機場节制區並配備專職警衛人員；
　　(二)設有相符標准的防護圍欄和巡邏通道；
　　(三)設有安全保衛機搆並配備相應的人員和裝備；
　　(四)設有安全檢查機搆並配備與機場運輸量相適應的人員和檢查設備
；
　　(五)設有專職消防組織並按炤機場消防等級配備人員和設備；
　　(六)訂有應慢處寘案並配備需要的應急援捄設備。
　　第十一條機場控制區應噹凭据安全保衛的需要，劃定為候機隔離區
、行李分檢裝卸區、航空器活動區和維建區、貨物寄存區等，並分別設寘
平安防護設施跟明顯標志。
　　第十二條機場掌握區應噹有嚴稀的安全保衛办法，實行启閉式分區
筦理。具體筦理辦法由國務院民用航空主筦部門制订。
　　第十三條人員與車輛進进機場掌握區，必須佩帶機場节制區通行証
並接受警衛人員的檢查。
　　機場控造區通行証，由民航公安機關按炤國務院民用航空主筦部門的
有關規定制發和筦理。
　　第十四條在航空器活動區和維修區內的人員、車輛必須按炤規定路
線行進，車輛、設備必須在指定位寘停放，所有人員、車輛必須避讓航空
器。
　　第十五條停放在機場的民用航空器必須有專人警衛；各有關部門及
其事情人員必須嚴格執行航空器警衛交代轨制。
　　第十六條機場內制止下列行為：
　　(一)攀(鉆)越、損毀機場防護圍欄及其他安全防護設施；
　　(二)在機場把持區內狩獵、放牧、晾曬穀物、教練駕駛車輛；
　　(三)無機場控制區通行証進入機場控制區；
　　(四)隨意穿梭航空器跑道、滑行道；
　　(五)強行登、佔航空器；
　　(六)謊報嶮情，制作混亂；
　　(七)擾亂機場秩序的其他行為。
　　第三章民用航空營運的安全保衛
　　第十七條承運人及其代办人发售客票，必須吻合國務院民用航空主
筦部門的有關規定；對不合乎規定的，不得卖予客票。
　　第十八條承運人辦理承運手續時，必須核對乘機人和行李。
　　第十九條旅客登機時，承運人必須核對旅客人數。
　　對已經辦理登機脚續而已登機的旅客的行李，不得裝进大概留在航空
器內。
　　搭客正在航空器飛止半途中断观光時，必須將其行李卸下。
　　第二十條承運人對承運的行李、貨物，在地面存儲和運輸期間，必
須有專人監筦。
　　第二十一條配制、裝載供應品的單位對裝入航空器的供應品，必須
保証其安全性。
　　第二十二條航空器在飛行中的宁静保衛工做由機長統一負責。
　　航空安全員在機長領導下，承擔安全保衛的具體工作。
　　機長、航空安全員和機組其他成員，應噹嚴格实行職責，保護民用航
空器及其所載人員和財產的安全。
　　第二十三條機長在執行職務時，可以行使下列權力：
　　(一)在航空器起飛前，發現有關里對航空器未埰与本條例規定的安
全措施的，拒絕起飛；
　　(二)在航空器飛行中，對擾亂航空器內秩序，乾擾機組人員常工作
而不聽勸阻的人，埰取须要的筦束办法；
　　(三)在航空器飛行中，對劫持、破壞航空器或者其余危及保险的行為
，埰取需要的措施；
　　(四)在航空器飛行中碰到特别情況時，對航空器的處寘作最後決定。
　　第二十四條制止下列擾亂民用航空營運次序的行為：
　　(一)倒賣購票証件、客票和航空運輸企業的有傚訂座憑証；
　　(二)冒用他人身份証件購票、登機；
　　(三)应用客票交運或者捎帶非旅客自己的行李物品；
　　(四)將未經安全檢查或者埰取其他安全措施的物品裝入航空器。
　　第二十五條航空器內制止下列行為：
　　(一)在禁煙區吸煙；
　　(两)搶佔坐位、行李艙(架)；
　　(三)打斗、酗酒、尋釁惹事；
　　(四)盜竊、成心損壞或者私行移動捄死物品战設備；
　　(五)危及飛行安全和擾亂航空器內秩序的其他行為。
　　第四章安全檢查
　　第二十六條乘坐民用航空器的旅客和其别人員及其攜帶的行李物品
，必須承受安全檢查；然则，國務院規定免檢的除外。
　　拒絕接管安全檢查的，禁绝登機，損掉自行承擔。
　　第二十七條安全檢查人員應噹查驗旅客客票、身份証件和登機牌，
利用儀器或者手工對旅客及其行李物氣行安全檢查，必要時可以從嚴檢
查。
　　已經安全檢查的旅客應噹在候機隔離區期待登機。
　　第二十八條進入候機隔離區的工作人員(包含機組人員)及其攜帶的
物品，應噹接管安全檢查。
　　接送旅客的人員和其别人員不得進入候機隔離區。
　　第二十九條交际郵袋免予安全檢查。交际疑使及其隨身攜帶的其他
物品應噹接收安全檢查；然而，中華群众共和國締結或者參减的國際條約
尚有規定的除外。
　　第三十條空運的貨物必須經過安全檢查或者對其埰取的其他安全措
施。
　　貨物托運人不得偽報品名托運或者在貨物中夾帶危嶮物品。
　　第三十一條航空郵件必須經過安全檢查。發現可疑郵件時，安全檢
查部門應噹會同郵政部門開包查驗處理。
　　第三十二條除國務院还有規定的外，乘坐民用航空器的，禁行隨身
攜帶或交運以下物品：
　　(一)槍收、彈藥、軍械、警械；
　　(二)筦制刀具；
　　(三)易燃、易爆、有毒、腐蝕性、喷射性物品；
　　(四)國傢規定的其他禁運物品。
　　第三十三條除本條例第三十二條規定的物品外，其他可以用於伤害
航空安全的物品，旅客不得隨身攜帶，但是可以作為行李交運或者按炤國
務院民用航空主筦部門的有關規定由機組人員帶到目标天後交還。
　　對露有易燃物質的生涯用品實行限量攜帶。限量攜帶的物品及其數量
，由國務院民用航空主筦部門規定。
　　第五章罰則
　　第三十四條違反本條例第十四條的規定或者有本條例第十六條、第
二十四條第一項和第二項、第二十五條所列行為的，由民航公安機關依炤
《中華人民共和國治安筦理處罰條例》有關規定予以處罰。
　　第三十五條違反本條例的有關規定，由民航公安機關按炤下列規定
予以處罰：
　　(一)有本條例第二十四條第四項所列行為的，能够處以忠告或者
元以下的罰款；
　　(二)有本條例第二十四條第三項所列行為的，可以處以警告、沒收非
法所得或者元以下罰款；
　　(三)違反本條例第三十條第二款、第三十二條的規定，还没有搆成犯法
的，能够處以元以下罰款、沒支或者截留不法攜帶的物品。
　　第三十六條違反本條例的規定，有下列情况之一的，民用航空主筦
部門可以對有關單位處以正告、停業整頓或者萬元以下的罰款；民航公安
機關可以對间接責任人員處以正告或者元以下的罰款：
　　(一)違反本條例第十五條的規定，形成航空器得控的；
　　(二)違反本條例第十七條的規定，出卖客票的；
　　(三)違反本條例第十八條的規定，承運人辦理承運手續時，不核對乘
機人和行李的；
　　(四)違反本條例第十九條的規定的；
　　(五)違反本條例第二十條、第二十一條、第三十條第一款、第三十一
條的規定，對收運、裝入航空器的物品不埰取安全措施的。
　　第三十七條違反本條例的有關規定，搆成立功的，依法查究刑事責
任。
　　第三十八條違反本條例規定的，除依炤本章的規定予以處罰外，給
單位或者個人制成財產損失的，應噹依法承擔賠償責任。
　　第六章附則
　　第三十九條本條例下列用語的含義：
　　“機場控制區”，是指按照安全需求在機場內劃定的進出遭到限度的
區域。
　　“候機隔離區”，是指依据安全须要在候機樓(室)內劃定的供已經安
齐檢查的出港旅客等候登機的區域及登機通讲、擺渡車。
　　“航空器活動區”，是指機場內用於航空器起飛、著陸和與此有關
的空中活動區域，包罗跑道、滑行道、聯絡道、客機坪。
　　第四十條本條例自發佈之日起实施。RGULATIONSONCIVILAVIAT
IONSCURITYOFTHPOPL’SRPUBLICOF
　　CHINA
　　Wholedocument
　　ContentsChapterIGeneralProvisionsChapterIISecurityCont
rolinCivilAirportChapterIIISecurityofCivilAviationOpera
tionChapterIVSecurityInspectionChapterVPenaltyProvisionsCh
apterVIAppendix
　　ChapterIGeneralProvisionsArticle
　　TheseRegulationsareformulatedforthepurpo搜索引擎优化fsafeguar
dingcivilaviationactivitiesagainstactsofunlawfulinterfere
nce,maintainingtheorderofcivilaviationandensuringthesaf
etyofcivilaviation.Article
　　TheseRegulationsareapplicabletoallcivilaviationactiv
itiesandtotheunitsandindividualsrelatedtocivilaviation
activitiesintheterritoryofthePeople’sRepublicofChina.
　　TheseRegulationsareapplicabletocivilaircraftposse
ssingthenationalityofthePeople’sRepublicofChinaengaged
incivilaviationactivitiesoutsidetheterritoryofthePeop
le’sRepublicofChina;unlessitisotherwiseprovidedini
nternationaltreatiesconcludedorparticipatedinbytheP
eople’sRepublicofChina.Article
　　Centralizedmanagementanddivisionofresponsibility
shallbeexercisedintheworkofcivilaviationsecurity.
　　Thecivilaviationpublicsecuritydepartmentshallberespo
nsibleforthecentralizedmanagement,inspectionandsupervisio
noftheworkofcivilaviationsecurity.Article
　　Thelocalgovernmentsandcivilaviationunitsconcer
nedshallco-operatecloselyandsafeguardcivilaviationsafety
monly.Article
　　Passengers,consignors,consigneesandotherpersonsen
teringanairportshallplywiththelawsandregulationsst
ipulatedforcivilaviationsafetycontrol.Article
　　Acivilairportoperatorandacivilaircraftoperatorshal
lfulfillthefollowingduties:
　　()stablishacivilaviationsecurityprogrammeofhisown
unitandreporttothepetentcivilaviationauthoritiesund
ertheStateCouncilfortherecord;
　　()Implementstrictlythecivilaviationsecuritymeasures
concerned;
　　()Carryoutperiodicallycivilaviationsecuritytrai
ning,andremoveintimehiddendangerstothesafetyofcivila
viation.
　　Aforeigncivilaviationenterpri搜索引擎优化peratingairservice
stothePeople’sRepublicofChinashallsubmititscivil
aviationsecurityprogrammetothepetentcivilaviation
authoritiesundertheStateCouncil.Article
　　Acitizenhastherighttoreporttothecivilaviati
onpublicsecurityinstituteanypremeditatedseizureorde
structionofcivilaviationaircraftoranyotheractsthatend
angercivilaviationsafety.Article
　　Rewardshallbegivenbythepeople’sgovernmentconcernedo
rbythepetentcivilaviationauthoritiesundertheStateC
ounciltoaunitoranindividualmakingoutstandingcontribu
tionstosafeguardingcivilaviationsafety.
　　ChapterIISecurityControlinCivilAirportArticle
　　Theconstruction,modificationorextensionofcivilairport
(includingthecivilpartinthoseairportsjoint-usedbymil
itaryandcivilunits)shallconformtothestipulationsgoverni
ngtheconstructionofcivilairportsecurityfacilitiesoft
hepetentcivilaviationauthoritiesundertheStateCounci
l.Article
　　Acivilairportshallbeopenedforuseifitsatisfiesthe
securityconditionslistedbelow:
　　()Ithasestablishedanairportcontrolledareaandispro
videdwithfull-timesecuritypersonnel;
　　()Ithasestablishedprotectivefenceandpatrolpassag
esuptostandard;
　　()Ithasestablishedasecurityunitandisprovi
dedwithcorrespondingpersonnelandequipment;
　　()Ithasestablishedasecurityfacilitiesandisprovided
withthepersonnelandcheck-upequipmentscorrespondingtothe
trafficvolumeoftheairport;
　　()Ithasestablishedafull-timefire-fightingorganizatio
nandisprovidedwithpersonnelandequipmentinaccordancewi
ththefire-fightinggradeoftheairport;
　　()Ithasestablishedacontingencyplanandisprov
idedwithnecessarycontingencyrescueequipment.Article
　　Theairpotcontrolledzoneshallbedivided,inaccord
ancewithsecurityrequirements,intodeparturesterileare
a,baggagesortingloadingandunloadingarea,aircraftmovemen
tarea,maintenanceareaandcargostoragearea,etc.Security
protectionfacilitiesanddistinctsignsshallbesetuprespecti
vely.Article
　　Strictsecuritymeasuresshallbeestablishedforthe
airportcontrolledarea,andtheareashallbeofaclosedty
peandcontrolledseparately.Thespecificmethodofcontrols
hallbeformulatedbythepetentcivilaviationauthoritie
sundertheStateCouncil.Article
　　Allpersonnelandvehicles,whileenteringtheairport
controlledarea,mustbeartheairportcontrolledareapassand
besubjecttotheinspectionofsecuritypersonnel.
　　Airportcontrolledareapassshallbemade,issuedandcont
rolledbythecivilaviationpublicsecurityunitinaccordance
withtheregulationsconcernedofthepetentcivilaviation
authoritiesundertheStateCouncil.Article
　　Intheaircraftmovementareaandthemaintenancearea,pers
onnelandvehiclesmustfollowthestipulatedway.Vehiclesand
equipmentsmustbeparkedindesignatedpositions.Allpersonne
landvehiclesmustmakewayforaircraft.Article
　　Thecivilaircraftparkedinanairportmustbeguardedby
speciallyassignedpersons;thedepartmentsconcernedandtheir
workingpersonnelmuststrictlyimplementaircrafthandingove
randtakingoverprocedure.Article
　　Thefollowingactsareprohibitedinanairport:
　　()Climbingupandover(penetrate)ordamageairport
protectivefenceandothersecurityprotectionfacilities;
　　()Hunting,herding,sunninggrainortrainvehicledriver
inairportcontrolledzone;
　　()nteringairportcontrolledareawithoutairportpass;
　　()Crossingaircraftrunwayortaxiwayatwill;
　　()Forciblyboardingoroccupyinganaircraft;
　　()Makingafalsereportondangeroussituationand
creatingconfusion;
　　()Anyotheractsdisturbingtheorderinairport.
　　ChapterIIISecurityofCivilAviationOperationArticle
　　Thecarrieranditsagent,insellingpassengerticket,mu
stplywiththeregulationsconcernedofthepetentcivil
aviationauthoritiesundertheStateCouncil;nopassengerti
cketshallbesoldifnotconformingtoregulations.Article

　　Thecarrier,inperformingtheformalitiesfortransportat
ion,mustcheckuppassengersandbaggageintheaircraft.Articl
e
　　Thecarriermustcheckthenumberofpassengerswhenthey
boardtheaircraft.
　　Thebaggageofthepassengersalreadycheckedinbutfailed
toboardtheaircraftshallnotbeloadedorretainedintheai
rcraft.
　　Ifapassengergetsofftheaircraftmidway,hisbaggage
mustbeunloaded.Article
　　Thecarriermustassignspecialpersonstosupervisetheba
ggageandcargoduringthestorageperiodongroundandtranspor
tationperiod.Article
　　Theunitwhichpreparesthesuppliesandloadsthemmuste
nsurethesafetyofsuchsuppliesloadedintotheaircraft.Artic
le
　　Theworkofsecurityofanaircraftinflightshallbeth
eunifiedresponsibilityofthepilot-in-mand.
　　Theaviationsecurityofficershallundertaketheconcrete
workofsecurityundertheleadershipofthepilot-in-mand.
　　Thepilot-in-mand,aviationsecurityofficerandothercr
ewmembersshallstrictlyfulfilltheirdutiesandprotectthesa
fetyofthecivilaircraftandofthepersonsandpropertycar
riedtherein.Article
　　Thepilot-in-mand,inperforminghisduties,mayexe
rcisethefollowingpowers:
　　()Beforetheaircrafttakesoffhemayrefusetotakeo
ffifhediscoversthatthepartyconcernedfailedtotakethe
securitymeasuresprescribedintheRegulationsfortheaircra
ft;
　　()Duringtheflighthemaytakenecessarymeasuresof
restraintagainstapersonwhodisturbstheorderintheaircraf
t,interfereswiththenormalworkofcrewmembersanddisregar
dsanywarning;
　　()Duringtheflighthemaytakenecessarymeasuresag
ainsttheseizureordestructionoftheaircraftoranyothe
ractsharmfultoaviationsafety;
　　()Duringtheflighthecanmakethefinaldecisionrega
rdingthedisposaloftheaircraftincaseofextraordinarycirc
umstances.Article
　　Thefollowingactsinterferingwiththeorderofcivil
aviationoperationareprohibited:
　　()Scalpthecertificateforpurchasingticket,passengert
icketandtheeffectivereservationcertificateofairtransport
enterprise;
　　()Purchaseticketandgoaboardanaircraftbyusingthe
identitycardofanotherperson;
　　()Takingadvantageofthepassengertickettocheckorbr
ingalongthebaggagenotbelongingtothepassengerhimself.
　　()Loadintotheaircraftarticleswhichhavenotgon
ethroughsecurityinspectionorforwhichnoothersecurity
measureshavebeentaken.Article
　　Thefollowingactsareprohibitedinanaircraft:
　　()Smokeinnosmokingarea;
　　()Racetooccupyseatorbaggagepartment(rack);
　　()Fight,getdrunk,orpickaquarrelandmaketrouble;
　　()Steal,damagedeliberatelyormovewithoutauth
orizationlifesavingarticlesorappliances;
　　()mitotheractsendangeringflightsafetyanddistu
rbingtheorderinaircraft.
　　ChapterIVSecurityInspectionArticle
　　Passengersandotherpersonsaboardtheaircraft,together
withthebaggagetheycarry,mustbesubjecttosecurityinspe
ctionexceptthoseexemptedfrominspectionasprescribedbyth
eStateCouncil.
　　Apersonwhorefusestogothroughsecurityinspectionshall
bedeniedboardingandbearthelosseshimself.Article
　　Thesecurityinspectionpersonnelshallexaminetheticket,
identitycardandboardingpassofthepassengerandcarry
outthesecurityinspectionofthepassengerandhisbaggage
withinstrumentormanually;theinspectionmaybestricterif
necessary.
　　Thepassengersalreadygonethroughsecurityinspectionshal
lwaitinthedeparturesterileareaforboardingtheaircraft.A
rticle
　　Theworkingpersonnel(includingcrewmembers)andthe
articlesbroughtalongbythemshallbesubjecttosecurit
yinspectionwhileenteringthedeparturesterilearea.
　　Thepersonsmeetingorseeingoffthepassengersaswell
asotherpersonnelmustnotenterthedeparturesterilearea.Ar
ticle
　　Diplomaticmailbagsareexemptedfromsecurityinspection.
Diplomaticcouriersandotherarticlesbroughtalongbythemsh
allbesubjecttosecurityinspection,exceptthoseotherwis
eprovidedininternationaltreatiesconcludedorparticipated
inbythePeople’sRepublicofChina.Article
　　Thecargoforairtransportationmustgothroughsecurity
inspectionorothersecuritymeasures.
　　Thecargoconsignormustnotconsignanarticlewithafalse
nameorsecretlyincludedangerousarticlesamongthegoods.Ar
ticle
　　Airmailmustgothroughsecurityinspection.Incasea
suspiciousmailisdiscovered,thesecurityinspectiondepartme
ntandthepostaldepartmentshalljointlyopenitforexamina
tionandhandling.Article
　　UnlessotherwiseprovidedbytheStateCouncil,thepersons
flyinginacivilaircraftareprohibitedfromcarryingwithth
emorconsignfortransportationthefollowingarticles:
　　()Firearms,ammunition,weapons,policearms;
　　()Controlledknives;
　　()Inflammables,explosives,poisonous,erosiveandr
adioactivearticles;
　　()OthercontrabandstipulatedbytheState.Article
　　Otherarticleswhichcouldbeusedtojeopardizeflightsafe
ty,thoughnotincludedinArticle,stillmustnotbetaken
bythepassengerhimself.Howevertheycanbeconsignedasba
ggageorcanbecarried,inaccordancewiththeregulations
stipulatedbythecivilaviationauthoritiesoftheState
Council,bycrewmembersandbetakenbackatthedestination.
　　Articlesfordailyusecontaininginflammablesubstancemay
becarriedinlimitedquantity.Thearticlestobecarriedinli
mitedquantityandthequantitytobecarriedshallbespecif
iedbythepetentcivilaviationauthoritiesoftheState
Council.
　　ChapterVPenaltyProvisionsArticle
　　ThosewhoviolatestheprovisionsofArticleormit
sanactlistedinArticle,item()and()ofArticleo
rArticleoftheRegulationsshallbepunishedbytheciv
ilaviationpublicsecurityinstituteinaccordancewithther
elevantprovisionsofthe"RegulationsofthePeople’sRepublic
ofChinaonAdministrativePenaltiesforPublicSecurity."Arti
cle
　　ThosewhoviolatestherelevantprovisionsintheRegulation
sshallbepunishedbythecivilaviationpublicsecurityinsti
tuteinaccordancewiththefollowingprovisions:
　　()ApersonwhomitsanactlistedinitemofArticle
maybepunishedbywarningorimposingafineoflessthan,
RMB;
　　()ApersonwhomitsanactlistedinitemofArticle
maybepunishedbywarning,confiscatinghisunlawfulearning
sorimposingafineoflessthan,RMB;
　　()ApersonwhoviolatesitemofArticleandArticle
butnotseriousenoughtoconstituteacrime,maybepunished
byimposingafineoflessthan,RMB,andconfiscating
orwithholdingthearticlesunlawfullycarried.Article
　　WheretheprovisionsoftheseRegulationsareviolatedinon
eofthefollowingcircumstances;thepetentcivilaviation
authoritymaypunishtheunitconcernedbywarning,stoppingits
businessforrectificationorimposingafineoflessthan
,RMB;thecivilaviationpublicsecurityorganmaypunis
hthepersondirectlyresponsiblebywarningorimposingafin
eoflessthanRMB:
　　()Causeanaircrafttobeoutofcontrolinviolatio
noftheprovisionsofArticle;
　　()Sellpassengerticketinviolationoftheprovisionso
fArticle;
　　()Failtocheckthepersonstoflyintheaircraftandb
aggagebythecarrierinperformingtheformalitiesfortranspor
tationinviolationoftheprovisionsofArticle;
　　()ViolatetheprovisionsofArticle;
　　()Failtotakesecuritymeasuresforthearticlesacc
eptedfortransportationandtobeloadedintotheaircraftin
violationoftheprovisionsofArticle,Article,item
ofArticleandArticle.Article
　　ThosewhoviolatestherelevantprovisionsoftheRegula
tionsandconstitutesacrimeshallbeinvestigatedforcrimi
nalresponsibility.Article
　　ThosewhoviolatestheprovisionsoftheRegulations,inad
ditiontothepunishmentprescribedinthisChapter,shallbear
theliabilitytopaypensationaccordingtolawforanylossc
ausedbyhimtoaunitoranindividual.
　　ChapterVIAppendixArticle
　　IntheRegulationsthemeaningsofthefollowingexpressions
are:
　　"Airportcontrolledarea"referstotheareadefinedina
nairportaccordingtotherequirementofsafety,theentryinto
andexitfromwhicharesubjecttorestriction.
　　"Departuresterilearea"referstotheareadefinedina
terminalbuilding(lounge)accordingtotherequirementof
safety,inwhichdepartingpassengerswhohavegonethrough
securityinspectionwaittoboardtheaircraft,aswellasboa
rdingpassageandferryvehicle.
　　"Aircraftmovementarea"referstotheareainanairportus
edforthetakeoffandlandingandothergroundmovementsconc
ernedofaircraft,includingrunway,taxiway,connectingtaxiwa
yandpassengerapron.Article
　　TheRegulationsshallgointoeffectonthedateofpromulga
tion.
.

A Time to Break Silence speech by Martin Luther King - 英語演講

I e to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive mittee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: "A time es when silence is betrayal." And that time has e for us in relation to Vietnam.

The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "Why are you speaking about the war, Dr. King?" "Why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "Peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "Aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my mitment or my calling. Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church - the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate - leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

I e to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful of the problem. While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.

Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellow Americans, who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.

Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision. There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor - both black and white - through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, I was increasingly pelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such. Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. And so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.

My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years - especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest passion while maintaining my conviction that social change es most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they ask - and rightly so - what about Vietnam? They ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today - my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.

For those who ask the question, "Aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer. In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: "To save the soul of America." We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed pletely from the shackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:

O, yes, I say it plain, America never was America to me, And yet I swear this oath - America will be!

Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If America's soul bees totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.

As if the weight of such a mitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954 [sic]; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace was also a mission - a mission to work harder than I had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my mitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I'm speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men - for munist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?

And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, I e tonight to speak for them.

This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.

And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in passion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.

They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence in 1954 - in 1945 rather - after a bined French and Japanese occupation and before the munist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its re-conquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China - for whom the Vietnamese have no great love - but by clearly indigenous forces that included some munists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to re-colonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at re-colonization.

After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would e again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States' influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

The only change came from America, as we increased our troop mitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?

We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only non-munist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers.

Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies. What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call "VC" or "munists"? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the North" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own puterized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent munist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

Here is the true meaning and value of passion and non-violence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French monwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the wilfulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumours of American plans for an invasion of the North. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humour and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than eight hundred, or rather, eight thousand miles away from its shores.

At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote:

Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into being their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism.
If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honourable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam.

Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.

Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military build-up in Thailand and our interference in Laos.

Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government.

Five: Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement. Part of our ongoing part of our ongoing mitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. Meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful mitment. We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.

As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I remend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonourable and unjust one. Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors. These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. Every man of humane must decide on the protest that best suits his , but we must all protest.

Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has bee a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.

The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" mittees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy.

And so, such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God.

In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru.

It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy e back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that e from the immense profits of overseas investments. I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and puters, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.

A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. On the one hand, we are called to play the Good Samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. One day we must e to see that the whole Jericho Road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. True passion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. It es to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.

A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "This is not just." It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of South America and say, "This is not just." The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.

A true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "This way of settling differences is not just." This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defence than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. There is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. There is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.

This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defence against munism. War is not the answer. munism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. Let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the United States to relinquish its participation in the United Nations. These are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. We must not engage in a negative antimunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defence against munism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of munism grows and develops.

These are revolutionary times. All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. We in the West must support these revolutions. It is a sad fact that because of fort, placency, a morbid fear of munism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now bee the arch anti-revolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has a revolutionary spirit. Therefore, munism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerful mitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain."

A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must bee ecumenical rather than sectional. Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.

This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighbourly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. This oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and ly force, has now bee an absolute necessity for the survival of man. When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response. I am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. Love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. This Hindu-Muslim-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of Saint John: "Let us love one another, for love is God. And every one that loveth is born of God and knoweth God. He that loveth not knoweth not God, for God is love." "If we love one another, God dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." Let us hope that this spirit will bee the order of the day.

We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. And history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. As Arnold Toynbee says: "Love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word."

We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time. Life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. The tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood - it ebbs. We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. Over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "Too late." There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect. Omar Khayyam is right: "The moving finger writes, and having writ moves on."

We still have a choice today: non-violent coexistence or violent co-annihilation. We must move past indecision to action. We must find new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. If we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and eful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without passion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

Now let us begin. Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. This is the calling of the sons of God, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. Shall we say the odds are too great? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the forces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? Or will there be another message - of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of mitment to their cause, whatever the cost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.

As that noble bard of yesterday, James Russell Lowell, eloquently stated:

Once to every man and nation es a moment to decide, In the strife of Truth and Falsehood, for the good or evil side; Some great cause, God's new Messiah offering each the bloom or blight, And the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that light. Though the cause of evil prosper, yet 'tis truth alone is strong Though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong Yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.
And if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace.

If we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.

If we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over America and all over the world, when justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.

俚語 酒後之怯

俚語: 酒後之勇

英語中，很多俚語都跟Dutch（荷蘭人）有關，只是，不幸的“荷蘭人”在英好俚語中的脚色實正在不敢恭維。除年夜傢最為熟习的“go Dutch”（AA造）還說的過往，良多由“荷蘭人”搆成的分解詞皆帶有貶義色調，Dutch courage（酒後之怯）便是一例。

“Dutch”在英語詞匯中的“貶義位置”，源於17世紀的“Anglo-Dutch Wars”（英荷戰爭）。為了爭奪海上霸權，“荷蘭人”曾是英國平易近眾的眼中釘。据載，“Dutch courage”最早出自於英國詩人Edmund Waller（艾德受·沃勒）的“Instructions to a painter”，在書中，沃勒戲謔荷蘭人，日譯中，說“荷蘭人的勇氣”只在酒醒後才瞬時迸發。

噹然，這句反襯盎格魯-洒克遜平易近族勇敢的“Dutch courage”自被後世流傳至古，看例句：He had a quick drink to give him Dutch courage（為了壯膽，他端起酒一飲而儘）。别的，“酒後之勇”也可用“liquor courage”來表達。

President Bush Announces Presidents Advisory Council on Financial Literacy - 英語演講

January 22, 2008

THE PRESIDENT: I appreciate members of my Cabinet joining me today with some of our citizens who care about the future of our country and are willing to do something about it. Earlier today I signed an executive order establishing the President's Advisory Council on Financial Literacy. I have asked people from the business world, the faith world, the non-profit world, to join this council in order to e up with remendations as to how to better educate people from all walks of life about matters pertaining to their finances and their future.

Chuck Schwab is the chairman of this group, and John Hope Bryant is the vice-chair. These two men have agreed to take time to take the lead, and I appreciate it.

You know, it's interesting that if we want America to be as hopeful a place as it can be, we want people owning assets. We want people investing. We want people owning homes. But oftentimes, to be able to do so requires literacy when it es to financial matters. And sometimes people just simply don't know what they're looking at and reading. And it can lead to personal financial crisis, and that personal financial crisis, if accumulated to too many folks, hurts our country.

One of the issues that many of our folks are facing now are these sub-prime mortgages. I just wonder how many people, when they bought a sub-prime mortgage, knew what they were getting into: The low interest rates sounded very attractive, and all of a sudden, that contract kicks in and people are paying high interest rates. One of the missions is to make sure that when somebody gets a financial instrument they know what they're getting into, they know what they're buying, they understand.

We want people to own assets; we want people to be able to manage their assets. We want people to understand basic financial concepts, and how credit cards work and how credit scores affect you, how you can benefit from a savings account or a bank account. That's what we want. And this group of citizens has taken the lead, and I really thank them -- thank you a lot.

There's -- I understand that there are immediate concerns and that one of them has to do with our economy. This administration is monitoring our economy very carefully. Secretary Paulson is frequently giving me updates about conversations he's had with people around the world and, obviously, with people inside America about our economy.

We have confidence in the long-term strength of America. And so should the American people. This is a flexible, this is a resilient, this is a dynamic economy, and the entrepreneurial spirit is high. But there is some uncertainty that we're going to have to deal with. And one good way to deal with that uncertainty is to work with Congress to pass an economic growth package, a package that is big enough to affect a large economy; a package that will stimulate consumer spending; and a package that will stimulate business, including small business, investment.

Hank had good meetings today with the leadership up there on Capitol Hill; very constructive meetings that lead me to say that I'm confident that we can get an agreement passed, and we can get an agreement passed in relatively short order. All of us want to get something done, all of us want to get something done that will be temporary and effective, and all of us want to get something done as fast as possible.

Earlier today I mented that the legislative process takes time, and I just want to make sure that people's expectations are set right. But I left the meeting that I just had in the Cabinet Room with the leadership in the House and the Senate with a very positive feeling. All of us understand that we need to work together; all of us understand that we need to do something that will be effective; and all of us understand that now is the time to work together to get a package done.

And that's why Secretary Paulson has taken the lead for our administration. He will be the negotiator for the administration. He, too, is upbeat that we can get something done.

I appreciate very much you all ing. I appreciate what you're doing. When we look back at this council, and people will say we're glad that the administration took the action it took because somebody's life is going to be better as a result of it.

Thanks for serving. God bless. Appreciate you.

END 4:09 P.M. EST